domingo, 26 de fevereiro de 2017

Palestine

Trechos de With Our Army In Palestine (1919), de Antony Bluett.


It is no tale of glamour and romance; it is a tale of sheer, hard graft, generally under terrible conditions - for a white man.

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By dint of that curious mixture of patience and profanity characteristic of the British soldier when doing a difficult job, horses and guns were at length safely stowed away.

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The urgent need in those days of the army in the East was aircraft; fast, modern machines, that is. There was a lamentable lack of anything that could go near the Fokker or Taube.

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It was a Tank.

[They] were as a matter of fact a comparative failure in Palestine.

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What the infantry would have done without the camels, one shudders to contemplate, for they were practically the only means of water-transport.

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The cactus-hedges bordering the lanes afforded admirable protection from observation by enemy aircraft, some of which were hovering in the neighbourhood.

Dispatch-riders on motor-cycles threaded their way to the front in and out amongst the horses with amazing skill, the cavalry swung forward en route for the open country, staff officers galloped along the lanes, and in a few short moments the whole atmosphere had changed from pastoral peace to the tense excitement of military activity.

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So great was the bustle that most of us fully expected that the first battle in the Holy Land was about to begin. [...]

All through the afternoon generals, colonels, and minor constellations charged past and disappeared.

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With the exception of a parting round which burst near the field-ambulance on our left we had no further trouble in this direction. Subsequently we went forward without let or hindrance, except from enemy aircraft, whose bombs disturbed quite a quantity of earth.

Meanwhile on our left the infantry were heavily engaged. Their lot was not an enviable one. The natural defences of Gaza are immensely strong, and these were in addition strengthened by every conceivable human device.

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It was, I think, about noon and intensely hot when the infantry began the attack. From our position on the flank it was, of course, impossible to see in detail what was going on, or much beyond the actual deployment of the troops. But the machine-gun fire, which during the morning had reached us in purring waves of sound, now increased to such awful intensity that the rattle became a roar incessant and deafening. From the moment the first waves started to advance across the open country they came under a devastating fire. They were bespattered with shrapnel from the guns, enfiladed on three sides by machine-guns whose fire swept them away in scores, rifle-pits spat death at them, and from the crowded trenches came a terrible volume of rifle-fire. It seemed impossible that any one could live to reach the slopes of Ali Muntar; yet these men from Wales and East Anglia went forward with a steadiness almost past belief, and ultimately, with ranks sadly thinned, did reach the foot of the hill. From this point they fought their way inch by inch and drove the desperately resisting Turks back through their cactus hedges and over each successive terrace until, late in the afternoon, the summit was won.

The cost was terrible: some battalions had lost three-quarters of their effectives, many had lost half, and all had suffered very heavily. True, a very large percentage of the casualties were lightly wounded in arms and legs; nevertheless, they were out of action and the battle was by no means won.

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[...] they made a final burst and got away almost unscathed - they had less than half a dozen casualties - leaving some four hundred Turkish killed and wounded on the field and the remainder probably wondering, like the nigger when the meteorite hit him, "who frowed dat brick"!

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The difficulties of maintaining a large army in this almost waterless region were enormous. The Turkish railhead was on their doorstep, as it were; ours was then twenty miles away at Rafa.

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You cannot expect the enemy to play the game according to the Geneva Convention if you yourself fail to observe the rules.

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Any old Bedouin, therefore, was a potential spy.

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This of course was only on a very small portion of the front, and only affected the movements of our particular brigade, who were heavily engaged on their own account. On our left the advance was making little progress. The Turks had fortified every ridge to the last degree and refused to be dislodged from even the smallest positions, fighting on till every man was killed.

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It was discovered that the Turks were using the big mosque in Gaza as an O.P. from which to direct their artillery fire. The navy promptly dropped a 9.2 in. shell on it - a fine shot considering the range.

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The Camel Corps were being beaten back by the Turks, now advancing steadily and in great force, and a third battery dashed up on our right to help repel them. For five hours the three batteries were firing as fast as the guns could be loaded. The crash of the Turkish shells bursting over our positions, the roar of the explosions as our guns were fired, and the rattle of machine-guns on our left combined to make an appalling din.

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It was horrible, useless slaughter. When it was found that no headway could be made in the centre, the Lowlanders were ordered to cease their heroic attempts, which they did most unwillingly.

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In reporting our second attempt on Gaza the newspapers, no doubt officially inspired, gave us half a dozen lines all to ourselves. One of them described it, I think, as a "minor engagement"; from another we learnt to our surprise that we had been "in touch" with the Turks. As our casualties for the day were officially estimated to be between seven thousand and eight thousand.

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It soon became evident that we should make no more attempts on Gaza during the summer.

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I believe a few men died after being stung by scorpions, certainly many were temporarily incapacitated with poisoned arms and legs.

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Such rubbishy propaganda was from time to time circulated amongst those simple Anatolian peasants, whose sole desire was to return to the meagre farms from which they had been dragged by the heavy hand of war.

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A frontal attack was out of the question. [...]

These defences were absolutely up-to-date in every respect. They were connected by telegraph and telephone.

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At the end of June General Allenby arrived in Palestine to take over the duties of commander-in-chief. Shortly after his arrival there was a notable increase in the quantity and quality of our rations, and beer in barrels - yes, barrels - came up the line for the troops.

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There were now English, Scotch, Irish, and Welsh troops on various parts of the front; large numbers of Indian cavalry had also been added to the mounted divisions, and our artillery was at least equal, if not superior, to that of the Turks.

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Now observe further the workings of the German mind. In one dug-out there was - of all books - a copy of Ruskin's Sesame and Lilies, tattered and dog's-eared by constant use, and a torn piece of the Sporting Times!

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Practically everything had to be done in the first two days after the capture of Beersheba in order to secure our precarious hold on that place; and with the lack of quick transport - for the country was too rough for motors, and camels are very slow - the shortage of rope and appliances, with, in fine, everything against them, the engineers in successfully accomplishing the feat added one more to their already imposing list of miracles.

Let there be no mistake about it; it was a miracle and one performed only by the most complete abnegation of self. Men who doubtless would have groused at home had they been asked to work for a couple of hours overtime at bank or office or works, here slaved for twenty-four hours at a stretch without bite or sup, and then after a short rest went on for another twenty-four.

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At the other end of the ridge two more divisions were fighting towards a maze of wire, which was rapidly being uprooted by the accurate and devastating fire of our artillery. This was the heaviest bombardment of the battle; some of the Turkish trenches were simply swept out of existence, and the defenders irretrievably buried in the débris [...].

I cannot write of the attack as an eye-witness but, months afterwards, I saw the Turkish system of defences, and little imagination was needed to picture the terrible struggle it must have been to take them by storm.

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The fall of Gaza gave us the key to the whole of the Maritime plain of Palestine.

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Some idea of the amount of material used in a modern battle may be gathered from the fact that one of our cable-sections salved forty thousand pounds' worth of copper wire alone, all of which had been employed on the battlefield.

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The scarcity of wood was a great difficulty. Every man in the team was strictly enjoined to "scrounge" any scrap of wood he could find en route.

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Then the rain came. Roads, at best no more than a travesty of the name and already battered by Turkish transport, became quagmires of mud through which artillery-horses, weakened by thirst and meagre rations, could scarcely draw the guns. The transport, toiling along in the rear, had the utmost difficulty in bringing up supplies, and as for the men, they were unwashed, unshaven, and covered with mud from head to foot.

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The Yeomanry again made a wonderful charge against a high hill, a few miles from Latron on the Jerusalem Road, strongly defended by the Turks. It is an unusual feat for cavalry even to attack a hill of considerable dimensions, but the Yeomanry not only did this but galloped to the top of it and killed or captured all the defenders. Yet at the beginning of the War there were people who said that the day of cavalry was over! The campaign in Egypt and Palestine was one long and continued refutation of this view.

On November 15th British troops occupied Lydda, or Ludd, as it was afterwards called, which town, according to legend, contains the tomb of our patron-saint St. George. With the capture of Jaffa the next day, the advance for the moment ended.

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It is a melancholic and ironic fact that this land, hallowed by the gentle footsteps of the Prince of Peace, has seen more bloodshed than any country on the earth. There is scarcely a village from Dan even unto Beersheba which has not been the scene of desperate carnage at some time or other in its history; and around Jerusalem the hills and valleys have run with blood at any time these four thousand years.

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The Mediterranean, as elsewhere, was alive with "U" boats in the summer and autumn of 1917. They levied a heavy toll on "troopers" and supply-ships coming out East, and the Navy in its work of guarding the coast of Palestine during the landing of supplies did not escape unscathed.

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General Allenby's unassuming entry, on foot, into the Holy City and his assurance that every man might worship without let or hindrance according to the tenets of the religion in which he believed, whether Christian or Mussulman, profoundly impressed the inhabitants.

"Blessed is he that waiteth and cometh to the thousand three hundred and thirty-five days" (Book of Daniel, chap. XII, verse 12).

Jerusalem fell in the year 1335 of the Hegira, which is 1917 in the Christian Era.

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The Turks had made the last of a series of costly but abortive counter-attacks to regain Jerusalem and were finally and for ever driven back.

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A remarkable feature of the spring and summer was the gradual rise to power of the Royal Air Force, culminating in complete supremacy over the Turks immediately before and during the autumn campaign. [...] In August the R.A.F., in conjunction with the forces of the King of the Hedjaz, who were working their way northwards across the desert east of Amman, made an attack on the Hedjaz railway at Der'aa, at which place the line was completely demolished and all communication severed with the north.

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Arriving at dawn they, too, found the town [of Nazareth] asleep, and clattered through the streets in search of Liman von Sanders. He was warned in the very nick of time, however.

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The goat earned opprobrium and early demise by eating one of my notebooks, which contained a nominal roll of some two hundred camel-drivers; and as each native has at least four names - Abdul Achmed Mohammed Khalil is a fair example - the fact that we made several meals off the goat was not adequate compensation for the labour of re-writing the roll. The ass performed the duty to which he has been accustomed from time immemorial in the Holy Land: he carried the aged. [...] The second camel, being too young to carry a load, was killed, and gave me my first taste of camel-steak, which in flavour is not unlike veal.

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Of the pariah dogs I dare not trust myself to say much. They would follow the convoy all day long, with the furtive air characteristic of those to whom life means nothing but a constant dodging of half-bricks violently hurled.

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There was little evidence now of the destructive hand of war, except that no one was working in the orchards and vineries, and the inhabitants of the small native villages through which we passed mostly remained behind closed doors, with not even an inquisitive eye at the window.

Cæsarea seemed quite busy by contrast, when we arrived in the cool of evening.

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I wonder how many people are aware of the extent to which the Germans carried their policy of "peaceful penetration" in Palestine and Syria? Whenever in our wanderings we came across a neat, modern town or village, be sure that the inhabitants were mainly German.

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It was the Ladder of Tyre, the geographical barrier between Palestine and the Land of Canaan; and we had to climb over it somehow.

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Later in the afternoon I noticed a beautiful little house standing in its own garden, and rode over to examine it more closely. One thing only I saw; the rest was blotted out. Nailed to his door was the body of the owner, and beneath lay the charred - yes, charred - remains of what had once been his legs. He had been crucified and burnt alive.

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Sixty thousand people died of starvation in Beyrout during the War, out of a total population of one hundred and eighty thousand.

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With the capture of Beyrout and Damascus hostilities had not ended, although the greater part of the Turkish Army had ceased to exist.

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After the capture of Aleppo, Turkey, having no army left, threw up the sponge.

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The weeks following the surrender of Turkey were occupied by the army in feeding the people, in reinstating them on the land, and in setting up a stable form of government in the country. [...] The head of the Greek Church in Homs offered his Cathedral to the Army for the thanksgiving service held after the signing of the general Armistice, and members of nearly every religious denomination were present at a most impressive ceremony.

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It is reasonably certain that Palestine will need material help for some time, for Turkish maladministration, and the iniquitously heavy taxes imposed upon the people, have almost killed initiative.

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Whether the Jews as a nation will ever settle in Palestine is a question the future alone will solve.

domingo, 19 de fevereiro de 2017

Paz e guerra

Trechos de Paz E Guerra Entre As Nações (1962), de Raymond Aron.


O esforço da indústria de guerra na França, entre 1914 e 1918, foi espantoso, a despeito da ocupação de uma parte do território nacional pelo inimigo: até o exército norte-americano estava empregando, no fim das hostilidades, canhões e munição fabricados na França. É bem verdade que, naquela época, as armas, e mesmo os aviões, eram relativamente simples, em comparação com os conhecimentos científicos e as possibilidades da técnica.

A passagem do potencial econômico para a força militar depende também da "capacidade de ação coletiva", sob a forma de capacitação técnico-administrativa. J. Plenge (um professor alemão cujo nome caiu no esquecimento) tinha publicado em 1916 um interessante trabalho cujo tema principal era a antítese das ideias predominantes em 1789 e em 1914. As ideias de 1914 se prendiam a um conceito essencial: a organização. Para que toda a nação trabalhe para a guerra (alguns em uniforme, outros nas fábricas e escritórios, outros ainda nos campos, produzindo o necessário para manter a população e a demanda da guerra), é necessário que a administração pública seja capaz de distribuir a mão-de-obra disponível pelos vários setores produtivos, de modo a reduzir o número de trabalhadores empregados na produção de bens não-indispensáveis; é preciso que, na medida do possível, cada um execute a tarefa em que seu esforço seja mais produtivo.

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Finalmente, é preciso considerar que os beligerantes fazem a guerra não com seu potencial, mas com as forças efetivamente mobilizadas, que dependem do espaço, do tempo e do desenrolar das hostilidades. O potencial global de um país pode ser paralisado ou amputado pela falta de uma determinada matéria-prima (que representam milhares de carros de assalto se não há combustível?). Por outro lado, o domínio dos mares, combinado com a disponibilidade de divisas ou empréstimos externos, permite aumentar o potencial próprio dos países legalmente neutros. Foi o que aconteceu com os Estados Unidos da América, entre 1914 e 1917, com vantagem para os aliados.

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Possivelmente o Reich alemão inspirava a seus rivais temores ainda maiores, porque tinha objetivos poucos claros. Quando obteve as primeiras vitórias, esses objetivos pareciam vagos e grandiosos. Grupos particulares sonhavam com a "cintura da África" ou com a Mittel-Europa. O estado-maior geral, em 1917-1918, reclamava a anexação ou ocupação de uma parte da Bélgica, por motivos estratégicos. Uma potência dominante que não proclama objetivos definidos se torna suspeita de ambições ilimitadas. Os pontos explícitos de discórdia entre os Estados europeus eram a posse de territórios (Alsácia-Lorena, Trieste) e de símbolos religiosos (Constantinopla). Mas, ao mesmo tempo, a resolução desses conflitos deveria determinar a futura relação de forças, o papel da Alemanha na Europa e o da Grã-Bretanha no mundo.

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O sistema europeu de 1914 era homogêneo ou heterogêneo? Sob muitos aspectos, a homogeneidade parecia prevalecer. Os Estados reconheciam-se reciprocamente. Mesmo o menos liberal dentre eles, a Rússia, dava à oposição o direito de existir e de criticar o governo. Em nenhum Estado havia uma ideologia decretada oficialmente e reputada indispensável à sua solidez. Viajava-se livremente através das fronteiras, e a exigência de passaporte por parte das autoridades russas causava escândalo. Nenhuma classe governante tinha por objetivo a subversão do regime de um país potenciamente inimigo: a República da França não pensava assim a respeito do Império alemão ou do Império dos czares. Aliás, a República francesa era aliada do Império czarista, em conformidade com as exigências tradicionais do equilíbrio de forças.

Esta homogeneidade, evidente em tempos de paz, tinha algumas fissuras que a guerra deveria abrir. No interior dos Estados, os dois princípios de legitimidade - o direito de nascença e o critério eleitoral -, cujo conflito constituíra um dos motivos das guerras da Revolução e do Império, coexistiam numa trégua precária.

Comparados aos regimes fascistas e comunistas de hoje, o império alemão e a Rússia czarista eram relativamente liberais. Mas o poder supremo e soberano continuava a pertencer às famílias reinantes. A heterogeneidade dos regimes absolutistas (em que o soberano era designado pelo seu nascimento) e dos regimes democráticos (em que o povo o elegia) existia virtualmente. É verdade que, enquanto a Rússia czarista estivesse aliada às democracias ocidentais, nenhum dos dois campos podia explorar plenamente esta oposição. Depois da Revolução Russa, a propaganda aliada não hesitou em fazê-lo.

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Semi-homogêneo em 1914, o sistema europeu se havia tornado irremediavelmente heterogêneo em 1917, como consequência do furor da luta e da necessidade que sentiam os ocidentais de justificar sua decisão de chegar a uma vitória decisiva.

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Antes de 1914, o intercâmbio econômico gozava, em toda a Europa, de grande liberdade, garantida pelo padrão-ouro e pela conversibilidade monetária mais do que pela legislação.

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Antes de 1914, a resposta, dada pela história, não continha qualquer elemento de dúvida. O direito internacional público europeu jamais tivera por objetivo, ou adotara como princípio, a colocação da guerra fora da lei. Muito pelo contrário, previa as formas como a guerra deveria ser declarada, proibia a utilização de certos meios ofensivos, regulamentava as modalidades de armistício e de assinatura da paz, impunha aos neutros obrigações com respeito aos beligerantes e aos beligerantes certas regras com respeito aos prisioneiros, à população civil, etc. Em suma, o direito internacional legalizava e limitava a guerra, em vez de fazer dela um crime.

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A revolução da técnica militar, provocada pelo desenvolvimento do motor de combustão interna, parecia abrir caminho às grandes conquistas. Foi quando os técnicos do sistema começaram a lembrar nostalgicamente a diplomacia de Richelieu, de Mazarin, de Talleyrand.

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O aparelho militar dependia também dos instrumentos disponíveis e do seu emprego mais ou menos eficiente. As armas de choque e de lançamento determinavam a distância entre os combatentes. A influência da pólvora sobre o volume dos recursos necessários aos exércitos, e portanto sobre o tamanho das unidades políticas, é uma observação banal dos relatos históricos. O sistema de recrutamento e desenvolvimento industrial, a universalização do serviço militar e o crescimento monstruoso do coeficiente de mobilização, estão na origem do caráter hiperbólico da guerra de 1914-1918: uma guerra democrática, pois os combatentes eram "civis uniformizados"; guerra parciamente ideológica, porque os cidadãos acreditavam estar lutando "em defesa da sua alma"; guerra de material, levando ao esgotamento das nações beligerantes, uma vez que os exércitos não conseguiam vitórias de aniquilação, e o material mobilizado de cada lado era enorme.

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Tanto em 1914-1918 como em 1939-1945, o II e o III Reich foram finalmente esmagados pelo número - de soldados e, mais ainda, de canhões, de tanques e aviões.

A experiência europeia da França mostra a influência que tem o número sobre o curso da história diplomática e militar - de maneira mais sutil, porém. De fato, a França quase pereceu com a vitória de 1918, para ser salva tragicamente pela derrota de 1940. De todos os beligerantes, foi a França que fez os esforços relativamente mais consideráveis, no período de 1914 a 1918, em termos de mobilização industrial ou humana; foi ela assim que teve as perdas proporcionalmente mais elevadas (perto de 1,4 milhão de mortos, contra os 2 milhões da Alemanha). Na conferência da paz, a França apresentava-se com um brilho que lhe custou caro: era a mais debilitada de todas as nações europeias - situação que só poderia ser reparada com um aumento súbito da taxa de natalidade.

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O crescimento da população do Velho Continente fói considerável, sem que nunca a curva demográfica tenha crescido mais do que a curva dos recursos. A renda per capita dos alemães não deixou de crescer, mesmo em 1914, o que quer dizer que não houve na Alemanha uma superpopulação, no sentido rigoroso do termo. Deve-se concluir, então, que os alemães foram belicosos por simples vitalidade biológica?

Pensei já numa outra definição: poder-se-ia dizer que há uma população excedente quando um certo número de habitantes, obrigados à ociosidade em consequência de circunstâncias sociais, se tornam disponíveis para a ocupação militar; neste caso, sua eliminação eventual, pela guerra, não se traduz por uma baixa da produção. Mas, refletindo, cheguei à conclusão de que o fenômeno definido dessa forma (que passarei a chamar de excesso de homens) é por demais frequente para permitir um estudo de conjunto das relações entre a população e a belicosidade.

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Sabemos, com efeito, que em 1913 nem a Alemanha nem a Europa sofriam de superpopulação. A ideologia do "povo sem espaço" ainda não tinha curso (Volk ohne Raum). Os dirigentes e a opinião pública do Reich sabiam que as riquezas estavam aumentando mais depressa do que a população. Se a causa do imperialismo alemão, e das guerras em que mergulhou a civilização europeia, fosse o crescimento demográfico, caberia procurar os fatos essenciais não nos números brutos, ou na comparação de curvas, mas no inconsciente obscuro das coletividades.

A Alemanha e a Europa não tinham necessidade de perder dezenas de milhões de homens para assegurar aos sobreviventes da catástrofe um nível de vida mais elevado. Nenhum país do continente tinha ultrapassado o optimum de bem-estar; nenhum país podia acreditar que estivesse sendo esmagado pelo peso do número. Na Alemanha, como em todo país de natalidade elevada, os jovens eram proporcionalmente mais numerosos do que nos países onde a natalidade apenas permite a renovação das gerações. Esse reservatório de combatentes pode ter inspirado as ambições dos dirigentes, mas não devia inspirar-lhes angústia pela sua situação, ou a do seu regime. Se as guerras europeias do século XX tiveram uma função demográfica (conforme Bouthoul), isto só pode ser explicado pelo fato de que a "pressão demográfica" que leva à guerra não é criada pela densidade da população ou pelo empobrecimento coletivo, mas por uma espécie de exuberância vital, comparável à que encontramos nas disputas e nos jogos dos adolescentes, em cujas veias o sangue circula com muito vigor. Não conhecemos bastante bem as leis que orientam o desenvolvimento das coletividades para que possamos excluir radicalmente a hipótese de um vínculo entre a fecundidade e o temperamento belicoso. Em todo caso, é possível afirmar com segurança que não é sempre que se encontra esse vínculo, e que, nos casos onde se pensa percebê-lo, outras explicações podem ser mais convincentes.

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Durante os cinquenta anos que precederam a guerra de 1914-1918, os dois países que conquistaram a maior extensão colonial, a França e a Grã-Bretanha, foram também os que menos precisavam adquirir novas possessões, do ponto de vista econômico. A França tinha uma população estacionária e um crescimento industrial lento; não a motivava, portanto, nem o excesso de população, nem a falta de matérias-primas, nem a necessidade de mercado para seus produtos manufaturados. A população e a produção cresciam mais depressa na Grã-Bretanha, mas a porta da emigração continuava aberta; com seus domínios e a Índia, o Reino Unido não estava sedento por espaço. É verdade que tanto a França como a Grã-Bretanha tinham um excesso de capital, tendo-se tornado os banqueiros do mundo, mas suas colônias só receberam uma pequena fração desse excesso.

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Teriam os ingleses decidido abater a Alemanha para eliminar um concorrente comercial? Esta lenda não resiste a um exame cuidadoso. É verdade que certos setores da exportação inglesa tinham sido atingidos pela concorrência alemã. Os dois países aumentavam suas exportações, mas as exportações da Alemanha aumentavam mais depressa. Dir-se-á, então, que os ingleses se sentiam ameaçados, embora sem razão? A opinião pública inglesa estava tão consciente do caráter complementar das duas economias quanto da oposição entre elas: a Inglaterra era o melhor cliente e o melhor fornecedor da Alemanha, e vice-versa. A voz dos liberais que denunciavam a futilidade das conquistas ecoava mais do que a dos retardatários do mercantilismo, que apelavam para as armas a fim de salvar o comércio.

[...] Os estadistas descobriram tarde demais que a indústria transformara a natureza das guerras mais ainda do que as circunstâncias em que surgiam as disputas.

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Segundo a cronologia de Toynbee, o ano de 1914 corresponderia a 431 antes de Cristo - isto é, ao início da Guerra do Peloponeso, momento da "ruptura" do mundo helênico.

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Muitos filósofos e cientistas sociais desejariam apreender a lei a que obedecem tais variações. É tentador imaginar ciclos - afloramentos, na superfície da história, de fenômenos biológicos. Mas nenhuma das demonstrações já tentadas parece convincente. É certo que depois de uma grande guerra, ou de um período prolongado de guerras (1791-1815), tudo se passa como se os povos retomassem fôlego, como se as nações (tal como os seres vivos) quisessem refazer suas forças. Ficamos pensando, porém, se essas fórmulas biológicas têm mais do que um simples valor analógico.

Depois das grandes mortandades ocorre geralmente uma fase de paz mais ou menos prolongada. Os que atribuem ao número a causa principal da inclinação bélica dos homens evocam o "efeito demográfico" das guerras. Os que imaginam haver uma espécie de alternância entre expansão e contração, vitalidade belicosa e recuperação, explicam as explosões de violência pelas leis misteriosas da vida coletiva.


Mais:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eEbsXExR42M

domingo, 12 de fevereiro de 2017

Gadda

ALTRITALIANI.NET
17 ottobre 2014

Scrittori in trincea: La guerra di Carlo Emilio Gadda

(Fulvio Senardi)

Disorientante e coinvolgente, fibrillante di invenzioni linguistiche nei momenti più estremi di ansia e di sfogo (tanto da aver fatto riconoscere a Guglielminetti un alter ego della scrittura, quasi per uno sdoppiamento identitario, in “Gaddus”, fonte di uno stile proprio e autonomo, di marcata torsione “comica”), quanto pedantesco - quasi da libro mastro di trincea - nei momenti meno mossi della vita del fronte, il Giornale di guerra e di Prigionia (che Garzanti raccoglie in un solo volume insieme al Diario di Caporetto, sorta di indiretta apologia resa pubblica per la prima volta solo nel 1991) deve da un lato la sua fama al nome dell'autore, Carlo Emilio Gadda, dall'altro al fatto che nella sua scarsa rielaborazione variantistica, questo diario, uscito in parte postumo, appare capace di esprimere, più di altre opere simili ma più lungamente chilificate, fresche e penetranti osservazioni sulla vita di guerra.

Ingarbugliato "frammischiamento di fatterelli e tragedia" (p. 292), gliuommero (siamo da Gadda, ricordate?) che ammatassa invettive contro le operazioni mal condotte, esami di coscienza svolti sul filo di una lacerante insoddisfazione di sé, dichiarazione d'amore per l'Italia, e osservazioni più spietate che ottimistiche sullo stato delle faccende militari stilate a ridosso della linea del fuoco (dove Gadda domandò di essere mandato nel '17, stilandovi un taccuino perduto nel dopo-Caporetto) il Giornale si premura di registrare, fra le tante messe a nudo di un'anima complicatissima di narciso scontento di sé e del mondo, alcune costanti assai diffuse della psicologia del soldato della Grande Guerra.

Ed è da questo che vorremmo cominciare, riservando al dopo, e quasi parenteticamente, qualche riflessione su Gadda uomo. Il primo elemento che colpisce, nelle note gaddiane, è l'incapacità da parte degli ufficiali di truppa (come del resto, e a maggior ragione, dei soldati) di cogliere il senso complessivo di vicende nelle quali operano da umili gregari, con obbedienza più o meno rassegnata. Non è assente la fiducia - ma quasi un atto di fede patriottica - nella sensatezza delle scelte dello Stato maggiore ("di Cadorna non dispero: credo sia uno dei migliori" p. 116), ma manca ogni intelligenza dell'andamento complessivo delle operazioni.

Notevole il fatto che le notizie che Gadda registra relativamente al fronte russo nei primi due anni di guerra (per es. "sono sollevato dalle notizie della vittoria russa in Volinia", p. 105) mostrino una più marcata perspicuità strategica di quanto non emerga relativamente a ciò che accade sul teatro di operazioni dove è direttamente impegnato. Acquartierato col suo reparto sul margine sud dell'altopiano d'Asiago nei mesi della Strafexpedition l'informazione appare lacunosa, la percezione annebbiata, il giudizio ristretto a osservazioni di carattere minimo e soggettivo, come quando prende nota del ripiegamento austriaco dopo lo sforzo offensivo, in data 3 luglio 1916.

Scriveva Ernst Toller, della stessa guerra che combatteva con altra divisa, "siamo tutti viti in una macchina che si scaglia avanti e nessuno sa dove, che si ributta indietro e che nessuno sa perché [...]". E Drieu La Rochelle, a proposito delle masse innumerevoli condotte al macello: "il bestiame più eroicamente passivo che la storia, guida delle greggi, avesse mai preso sotto il suo comando".

L'intelligenza umiliata si vendica, nel caso di Gadda, con severe e acute annotazioni di ordine tattico: "[...] Le ragioni dei nostri insuccessi nell'attacco [...] da me intuite da tanto tempo, ben prima di venire al fronte. Noto le tre principali: dispersione nel tempo e nello spazio del fuoco d'artiglieria [...]. Arresto dell'attacco di fanteria alla trincea espugnata [...]. Pigrizia dei soldati italiani nel munire e nell'organizzare a salda difesa le posizioni occupate" (p. 153). Un modo di combattere del tutto congruo con i vizi e le virtù del fante italiano: "Le nostre fanterie sono buone: il soldato italiano è pigro, specie il meridionale: è sporchetto per necessità, come il nemico, ma anche per incuria: provvede ai bisogni del corpo nelle vicinanze della trincea, riempiendo di merda tutto il terreno: non si cura di creare un unico cesso; ma fa della linea tutto un cesso; tiene male il fucile che è sporco e talora arrugginito; disperde le munizioni e gli strumenti da zappatore [...]; dormicchia durante il giorno mentre potrebbe rafforzare la linea; in compenso però è paziente, sobrio, generoso, buono, soccorrevole, coraggioso, e impetuoso all'attacco" (p. 114).

Del grande dramma di una guerra non voluta da soldati-contadini strappati contro voglia all'aratro e gettati d'autorità nelle trincee, Gadda però nulla vede e niente capisce. Sconvolto dal disinteresse per la guerra della popolazione milanese (forse solo apparente, aggiungerà) - ma come, a poche centinaia di chilometri dai luoghi della morte, ci "si diverte passeggia chiacchiera come se nulla fosse"? (p. 91) - si illude che il sentire degli ambienti popolari possa essere diverso ("forse negli ambienti plebei, che io non ho modo di frequentare, la guerra è più sentita anche sentimentalmente" - ivi).

Prima che Delio Tessa dicesse, duramente, la sua, Gadda estende ingenuamente alla nazione tutta intera le proprie idealistiche motivazioni di mazziniano. Una sensibilità che ci è ben nota, perché condivisa da un gran numero di volontari giuliani. Del resto non sfuggirà ad un lettore attento la titolazione del quaderno che raccoglie le annotazioni vicentine e asiaghesi del 1916: "Guerra per l'Indipendenza - anno 1916". Parole che acquistano un doppio valore: in primo luogo nel senso di presentare la grande guerra europea come una quarta guerra di indipendenza (interpretazione assai cara al garibaldinismo, come dimostra platealmente la conversione all'interventismo del premio Nobel per la pace del 1907, Teodoro Moneta); in secondo luogo in accezione anti-tedesca, considerando il militarismo germanico una persistente minaccia alla pace, e postulando quindi la necessità di ridimensionare l'espansionismo gugliemino, in sintonia con convinzioni ampiamente diffuse a livello europeo (basterà pensare a come interpreti queste posizioni il più famoso romanzo della guerra, Il Fuoco di Barbusse). Da qui la necessità, quasi una crociata latina, di fare muro contro la Germania, che, avendo lanciato una "politica di potenza mondiale", per dirla con Fritz Fischer, insuperato studioso di questa fase della storia tedesca (vedi Assalto al Potere Mondiale, Torino, 1965) "intraprende il commercio suo sul mondo, impadronendosi di tutti i mercati" (Gadda, p. 183). Il nemico più insidioso è dunque il Kaiser ed il suo popolo, la cui lingua però, negli anni del conflitto, Gadda studia con applicazione certosina - ansioso di poter avvicinare, di prima mano, la grande letteratura tedesca - tanto da raggiungerne, alla fine della guerra, una competenza non da poco.

Tuttavia non si capirebbero gli umori, le insofferenze, i fastidi del giovane ufficiale, che si sfogano magari in giusti rilevi di carattere tattico e psicologico, se non si prendesse in considerazione il suo ombroso carattere da “punitore di se stesso”: ansioso di mettersi alla prova, e da qui la richiesta di un impiego in prima linea sul fronte carsico, va soggetto a momenti di "paralisi volitiva" (p. 75), ad attacchi di ipocondria, a soffocanti crisi di "orribile noia" (p. 57). Dopo la rotta dell'ottobre 1917, quasi a scontare un assurdo senso di colpa per il disastro italiano, lo rode un invincibile tarlo interiore: nell'"animo strangolato dalle giornate di Caporetto", nelle lunghe e soffocanti giornate delle prigionia, "sono", dichiara, "inquieto, nervoso [...]: pensieri di morte e di desolato decadere si alternano con lampi di ricordi radiosi: rimorsi della mia condotta passata verso mia madre, verso la mia famiglia, con orrende bestemmie che mi lasciano poi istupidito e vuoto" (p. 338). In un gioco di travasi costanti tra conscio ed inconscio il suo animo si popola di ombre e di fantasmi: non cessa di pensare al fratello (al cui posto si era offerto all'abbraccio della morte: "io mi ripeto angosciosamente il voto già fattomi: che la guerra prenda me ma non mio fratello!" - p. 139), immagine idealizzata di come lui stesso vorrebbe essere, e alla madre, la cui figura affettuosamente rimpianta nasconde un vespaio di ambivalenze.

Finita la guerra, sul punto di rientrare nella vita civile, prova anch'egli, e in forma assai acuta, il disorientamento degli smobilitati, tanto che progetta di arruolarsi di nuovo, per poter ancora vestire la divisa e partecipare, secondo copione romantico, a qualche beau geste in territorio coloniale. Non se ne farà nulla. E anche il suo "libro di note" finirà per apparirgli un fardello inutile, un faticoso impegno da concludere prima possibile per non venir posto di fronte a quell'inamato sé che emerge da ogni pagina. Da concludere e da nascondere, visto che il Diario di Caporetto fu pubblicato non solo postumo rispetto all'autore, ma anche al suo affidatario, Bonsanti. Comincerà, nel silenzio della penna, quella lunga incubazione che darà ala al grande scrittore: "La mia vita è inutile, è quella d'un automa sopravvissuto a se stesso, che fa per inerzia alcune cose materiali, senza amore né fede. Lavorerò mediocremente e farò alcune altre bestialità. Sarò ancora cattivo per debolezza, ancora egoista per stanchezza e bruto per abulia, e finirò la mia torbida vita nell'antica e odiosa palude dell'indolenza che ha avvelenato il mio crescere mutando la possibilità dell'azione in vani, sterili sogni. - Non noterò più nulla, poiché nulla di me è degno di ricordo anche davanti a me solo. Finisco così questo libro di note. - Milano, 31 dicembre 1919. Ore 22. In casa" (p. 435).


Fonte:
http://www.altritaliani.net/spip.php?article2054

Mais:
http://www.artegrandeguerra.it/2012/04/agg-n-7-4.html

domingo, 5 de fevereiro de 2017

Schrödinger

Trechos de Schrödinger: Life And Thought (1992), de Walter Moore.


[...] slow acoustic waves can be considered without references to effect due to rapid thermal motions of the individual atoms.

This paper is undoubtedly the most interesting of all written by [Erwin] Schrödinger before he was called into military service in 1914.

- - -
RESEARCH IN UNIFORM

During the first months of the war Erwin was able to complete some scientific work. The advantage of being a theoretician was that he could make calculations even in a dugout, although he missed the possibility of consulting the scientific journals. [...]

He had began some experimental measurements with wide-bore capillaries. He conclued by saying, "I intend to continue the measurements, which had to be interrupted at the end of July, so as to obtain more extensive data for testing the formula." Obviously he did not think that the war would continue four more years.

- - -
Erwin's next assignment was to Franzenteste, a fortress just north of Brixen in South Tirol. Meanwhile the German offensive towards Paris had ground to a halt and the war of attrition had begun.

A most unwelcome surprise to the forces of the Danube Empire was a humiliating defeat by Serbia. [...] but the exhausted Serbs could go no farther and all became quiet on the southeastern front. At about this time, Erwin was transferred to Komaron, a Hungarian garrison town between Vienna and Budapest.

While there he was able to write a paper for the Physikalische Zeitschrift, "On the Theory of Experiments on the Rise and Fall of Particles in Brownian Motion", which was received on July 26, 1915. This theory was related to work in progress in Vienna on the charge of the electron.

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ON THE ITALIAN FRONT

On July 26, Schrödinger's unit was ordered from Komaron to install a new 12-cm marine battery on the Italian front. For the next two months, he kept a detailed diary of his activities. The marine battery was a great puzzle, for nobody seemed to know exactly where it was supposed to go, only the name of the locality, a place called Oreia Draga on the Istrian peninsula south of Trieste.

- - -
A battle raged around the Karst plateau, where the barren limestone rocks were pulverized by artillery fire. In repeated assaults the Italians failed to make significant gains through the Austrian defenses, but losses were heavy on both sides.

- - -
When Erwin was there about two years earlier, the military situation was about the same except that the Austrians still held Gorizia and about half a million young men had not yet been killed. Erwin noted that "we stood about for hours on the Karst plateau, and about midday had the foresight to take a meal including green bean salad and a passable beer. Towards evening we went through Görz and reached Oreia Draga about 8 p.m. The men had eaten nothing all day, because the supplies had not arrived although the transport officer had ordered them from Ogenia." They were able to took some canned good, and a good-natured regimental doctor provided some wine.

On the morning of the 29th, they marched to St Peter, with almost unbroken cannonading beyond Sessana. In St Peter they were met by Captain Novak and Colonel Heckler. Their battery was already in place and had already fired. The men were quartered in a farmhouse and the officers in the castle of the local count. "Very fine except that all the windows had been blown out by our 30.5 cm Mortar, which had flattened almost everything in the park." This was the best of the K & K artillery weapons, known as a "wonder gun".

After a short sleep, Erwin went by motorcar to Görz, finding the town half deserted because of the bombardments. Nevertheless he enjoyed the unusual comfort of the best hotel. That afternoon he went to help direct some artillery that was firing from a suburb. [...] The next morning he continued to direct the battery. On August 1, he observed the first firing of the marine battery, which was blasting away at church towers in the distance.

On August 2, he noted that "we are firing badly. I was balled out. I took control of all the operations myself, which slowed down the action. I was balled out some more. By afternoon it was going well. It is incredible that we were not fired upon at all or only insignificantly since we were using strongly smoky powder. Airplanes were looking for us." On August 4, the shooting was again poor; Erwin suggested what to do but they did not believe him. "Thank God! The other battery is also shooting poorly. The emplacement is already quite crooked." On August 6 the battery was for some time solidly placed, and the shooting went well. The foundation blocks were inclined at 11°. "Heckler, deputy commandant, is unwilling to move himself to take a look at it. I go out in the evening. The cannon doctor repairs the springs which were already quite slack because of the poor mounting, and he pours in half a litre of glycerine."

- - -
The war diary continued on September 6, with the notation that firing was resumed then after a long break on orders from Army Command. Probably they were short of ammunition, for at the end of August Erwin went to Leibach to collect some. There was a six-hour stop at Opcina, where he took the opportunity to visit the obelisk erected in 1830 in memory of a visit by Emperor Franz I. On August 24, he was thirteen hours in Leibach; the town was overflowing with about four times its normal population. "The streets were crowded with an unbroken stream of officers and whores. Most of the female refugees seem to live that way."

- - -
At the evening mess in the Castle, there were interesting accounts from some officers who had taken part in the debacles in Serbia and Galicia. In Serbia, they all lost their heads entirely in the precipitate retreat. The Serbians appeared astonished and did not push the pursuit.

- - -
On 19, September, Erwin wrote:

"Interesting events zero. For a long time it was absolutely quiet here, now at night there are front line attacks on the plateau. It is utterly boring. When I have otherwise nothing to do, I fill my mind with the psychology of the fundamentals of consciousness (memory, association, the concept of time)."

- - -
"We have war! [Wir haben Krieg!] The word sounds playful. Truly, I swear, the word sounds playful. For it sounds as though this were some out-of-the-ordinary state."

At this point the war diary breaks off [September 27]. Schrödinger began to receive some books of philosophy and copies of scientific journals, and he was able to rouse himself from the desperate boredom and futility of military life and to turn his mind to the kind of problems that he loved.

- - -
MILITARY CITATIONS

By the end of 1915, a combined German, Bulgarian and Austrian offensive had finally eliminated Serbia from the war, and some reinforcements could be sent to the Italian front. The third great battle of the lsonzo opened on October 18, with a seventy-hour Italian artillery barrage of unprecedented ferocity. Fortunately the K & K Fifth Army was in well fortified positions and when the attack was broken off early in December, the Italian gains had been limited to a small area of the west border of the Karst plateau. The Italians lost 125 000 killed and wounded, compared to the K & K loss of 80 000.

Schrödinger was awarded a citation for his outstanding service during this battle:

"In the battle of Oct. 23 to Nov. 13, while acting as a replacement for the battery commander, he commanded the battery with great success. During the preparations as well as in many engagements, he was in command as first officer at the gun emplacement. By his fearlessness and calmness in the face of recurrent heavy enemy artillery fire, he gave to the men a shining example of courage and gallantry. It was owing to his personal presence that the gun emplacement always fulfilled its assignment exactly and with success in the face of heavy enemy fire ... He has been at the front since July, 1915."

This was signed by his division commander on November 12, countersigned by divisional and corps commanders, and entered in his record in the War Archive.

- - -
On May 1, 1916, Schrödinger was promoted to Oberleutnant, and May 15, after a long winter break, fighting was resumed. The Italians were able to advance about 10 km in a salient around Gorizia and then captured the town. These were the bloodiest of the lsonzo battles, with Italian losses of 286 000 men and the Austro-Hungarian less than half that many.

- - -
Even though it did not solve the problem of abnormal audibility, this paper was an excellent example of classical applied physics. It is written with the clarity and attention to style and organization that already can be recognized as Schrödinger hallmarks. The harvest of long Gymnasium years devoted to the classical authors can be seen in the graceful prose of his scientific papers. If it were not for the mathematics, they could be read with pleasure as literary essays.

Schrödinger's stint in the army obviously had not dulled his theoretical skills, yet neither had the fallow period led to an outburst of original thinking about problems in the forefront of physics, in particular the problems of quantum theory and atomic structure that were stretching the fabric of classical physics to the breaking point. He was still reacting to various concerns of the somewhat isolated Vienna school, still using his great mathematical facility to make improvements in structures built by others, although he was now thirty years old, an age by which most great theoretical physicists have been prepared to rebel against the paradigms received from their university teachers.

FIRST PAPER ON QUANTUM THEORY

About midway through 1917, Schrödinger sent an article on "The Results of New Research on Atomic and Molecular Heats" to Die Naturwissenschaften [The Sciences].

- - -
THE END OF THE WAR

The supply situation in Austria-Hungary was deteriorating. The soldiers lived mostly on soup made of dried vegetables. The meat ration was 200 g a week in the front line and 100 g in the rear echelons, less than a McDonald hamburger, but usually lean horse meat. The meat was often full of worms, but the government informed the troops that, though unappetizing, they were not dangerous to health. In some divisions, only front-line troops had uniforms; the reserves waited in underwear until it was their turn to be thrown into the battles. Under these conditions, Conrad persuaded Karl to launch a "final offensive" on the Italian front; when it foundered with heavy losses, he was finally retired.

The situation in Vienna was better, since a flourishing black market kept those who could afford it fairly well fed. In January, 1918, the bread ration was cut from 200 to 160 g a day, and workers went on strike in the armaments factories. It was necessary to detach seven divisions from the front to suppress the strikes.

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[...] the blockade of Austria was lifted, although it continued to be applied to Germany. It is difficult to find a parallel in history to this deliberate starvation of a defeated enemy.

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FROM VIENNA TO ZÜRICH

In the midst of all the postwar turmoil and suffering, Erwin took no respite from his intensive research at the Physics Institute. He also filled notebook after notebook with commentaries based upon his reading of European and Eastern philosophers. It was in these dying days of the Danube Empire that he formed the foundations of his philosophy, which was to remain remarkably constant all his life.

- - -
Erwin thought deeply about the teachings of the Hindu scriptures, reworked them into his own words, and ultimately came to believe in them. Possibly his half-famished state at this time was an involuntary mortification of the flesh conducive to religious experience.


Mais:
http://g1.globo.com/2013/08/google-faz-homenagem-ao-criador-do-gato-de-schrodinger.html
Lise Meitner