domingo, 26 de junho de 2016

Röntgen

Trechos de Wilhelm Conrad Röntgen (1993), de Otto Glasser.


"The eminent practical significance of the new rays which you recognized at once but which you, in your noble unselfishness, have left to others to develop practically, was revealed in a most striking manner during the World War. One can say with complete authority that the fruits of your scientific investigations have spared life and limb to hundreds of thousands of poor wounded soldiers, both friend and foe. Thus you are not only esteemed by physical science as its immortal master but also by all humanity as its benefactor.

May the joyful satisfaction of having contributed so greatly to the furtherance of our knowledge and to the benefaction of suffering mankind help you on this day of jubilee to overcome the distress which we all feel over the collapse of our beloved Fatherland. May you live to see the dawn of better times. This is our sincere wish." (Signed) THE PRUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, Berlin, 1919.

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[...] January 13, 1896, to give a personal demonstration before Keiser Wilhelm II in Potsdam, who was always interested is progress in natural and technical sciences. The daily papers reported this demonstration. "From Berlin we received the following wire: Last night at five o'clock Professor Röntgen demonstrated his discovery before the Kaiser and Kaiserin, Kaiserin Friederich, Bosse, Lucanus, and other distinguished persons. Röntgen could not give a demonstration on a large scale because the necessary instruments were not readily obtainable. However, he showed several experiments in which the new rays penetrated wooden boards and cardboard box, and he also photographed a few lifeless objects but not the human hand. [...] The Kaiser personally decorated Röntgen with the 'Kronenorden,' Second Class."

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That Röntgen did not carry out his intention of becoming an Emeritus earlier was due, not only to the fact that his health improved considerably after 1913, but especially to the beginning of the World War. He wished to contribute his share in those difficult times by continuing to teach at the University.

For the sake of the University he still remained active for many years and had a decided influence in solving many of its problems.

[...] the following letters:

"We have begun the discussion of successor to Bayer, and, as far as the committee is concerned have almost reached a conclusion, Bayer again had suggested only one man and probably would have been successful if I had not protested strenuously." (Röntgen to Theodor Boveri, Munich, January 18, 1915.)

"There is not much to report from here. Today we celebrated Hindenburg's new victory. Three suggestions which I made to the Committee for our Professorship of Chemistry failed entirely. […]" (Röntgen to Theodor Boveri, Munich, February 17, 1915.)

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"[...] my continued confidence in the High Command was suddenly destroyed. We have been very badly deceived by the leaders, and I never could have believed that this would occur. Whether this has been done with or without intent, I will not venture to say. But even though previous reports may have been written in good faith, the misjudgment of the real conditions remains a tremendous mistake which I would not have thought possible.

That we in Germany have left the right path in our social life and that real love for our country has been replaced by a false pride and that we have become too materialistic, all that I told you long before the war, and I have discussed with you what seemed to me the only way to relieve this situation. However, I never would have believed, much less hoped, that we should have to suffer so intensely for our mistakes or that the medicine would come in such bitter doses. The conditions of the Armistice and the stipulations of peace which will probably be made, are so depressing that it will be difficult to keep up enough courage to build up a satisfactory existence under new conditions. Perhaps old people see things too darkly, and I hope that youth may have other opinions. Whether or not this existence will be better under a republican constitution than under a monarchial parliamentary government, is a question which I cannot answer. It is true that in Switzerland I have learned that a republic can have its good points but I am not convinced that the German people, who are politically uneducated, can live under this form of government as well as do the Swiss people. In America we also have an example which does not exactly encourage the idea that a republic is the best form of government. Due to the paucity of my political knowledge and experience, I cannot say whether or not my idea that a monarchial parliamentary government such as I know of in Holland and which exists in England is most desirable, is justifiable. Poor, poor Germany, what will become of you?

Compared to this major sorrow all others are secondary, or at least should be. The loss of Alsace, especially of Strassburg, is particularly tragic to me, for I was present at the time the University was founded under such tremendous universal enthusiasm, and it was there that I spent one of the most beautiful and productive periods of my life. Sometimes I look at the picture of Strassburg which hangs in my room and hum the old song 'O Strastburg, O Strassburg, du wunderschöne Stadt.' Many other things must be overcome. My wife, fortunately, is feeling well. She has little pain and considering her age and everything that she has gone through she still does very well both mentally and physically, and is almost always in relatively good humour. We often discuss what part of our large apartment we can offer to the city and how we can arrange to have other people live here, but we do not arrive at a satisfactory solution and lack the proper advice.

My letter remained unfinished. Meanwhile I telephoned you and also received your letter. [...] If many people, I do not say all people, in Germany were as willing as you two to make sacrifices then we would be much better off. We are very grateful for your help." (Röntgen to Mrs. Theodor Boveri and Margret Boveri, Munich, November 19, 1918.)

Röntgen continued his interest in current events and became more and more depressed with the increasing despair of the time of inflation. For instance, he wrote:

"Cohen has been negotiating exclusively with the Wacker Company during the last few days and mot several representatives from various industries in Berlin and Vienna, and told me that in commercial circles it is thought that the prices of everything probably will increase eightfold. The coal shortage during the next winter will probably be even worse than it is now. Austria probably will go into bankruptcy within a few months; Germany a little later, and then France, where the conditions are said to be similar to ours. What a hopeless time! I have talked about it very seriously with my maids today." (Röntgen to Mrs. Theodor Boveri, Munich, December 3, 1919.)

"It seems to me that Mr. Kapp is not the right man to bring about something of permanent value. He belongs to the Pan-German party, and it would have been better to wait for the next elections, which surely would have removed most of the men in the present government. The railroad connection with Munich has been discontinued for the time being; the only trains running are those carrying mail and provisions. Horrible times! The soldiers, mostly prætorians, cannot be relied upon." (Röntgen to Mrs. Theodor Boveri, Weilheim, March 16, 1920.)

"Just imagine that Brentano thinks that by the end of the year them will be about fifteen million unemployed people in Germany because of the inert condition of business! I hope that these people will be prevented from obtaining control..." (Röntgen to Mrs. Theodor Boveri, Weilheim, May 31, 1920.)

Anti-semitism formed a large part of the post-war politics in Germany, and hence a statement of Röntgens on this subject may be of interest:

"If W. H. is inclined to be anti-semitic it makes no difference to me; I bring him in contact with nothing but decent people. Lately I have spent quite a little time with Cohen; he was very cordial and let me read some letters from his mother and also parts of the diary of his father, which tell about his intimate association with Bismarck, whose physician he was. These are most interesting and are to be used in historical publications... The anti-semitic incidents in Würzburg of which you write are very regretable; it is not much better here; for instance, there is hardly an advertisement of rooms for University students which does not contain the statement 'No Jews,' and I know of one instance where a woman said to a student who was looking at a room and mentioned his name, which sounded Jewish, 'I do not take any Israelites.' It is a bad sign of the times that decent persons can thus so rudely be insulted by inferior people." (Röntgen to Mrs. Theodor Boveri, Weilheim, May 12, 1921.)

Röntgen was indignant and entirely unsympathetic with the wild outbreak of pleasure-seeking which was a reaction of the post-war period. He writes:

"You have no idea of the profligate and disgusting carnival life here. In 1921, four million more bottles of champagne were consumed in Germany than in 1914, that is about ten thousand bottles more per day than in 1914! And at the same time many, many people are suffering. It is terribly sad." (Röntgen to Mrs. Theodor Boveri, Munich, March 25, 1922.)

Röntgen was very severe in seeing that he and his household strictly followed the war regulations which controlled the consumption of food. When he noticed that Mrs. Röntgen tried to evade the laws with the help of the clever Kätchen because of her concern over his health and in order to give him better meals, he himself took a hand in running the household and controlled the daily quantity of fat, meat, flour and sugar with scientific accuracy by the use of the scale, and also asked that those vegetables, meat, mushrooms and other provisions which one might obtain should be canned. Thus he took a daily interest in all the functions of the household, much to the distress of Mrs. Röntgen, Kätchen and the cook.

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"It is depressing to hear from many sources that the Government draws most of its income from the honest people of average wealth, because many of the possessors of real fortunes are said to have found safe ways of keeping their holdings secret.

This is a long letter on business, but since these things, and especially my experience at the bank, have excited me a little [...]. I was glad to read that you are again interested in studying mathematics, for this occupation is not only useful but also very stimulating and educational, regardless of what one studies later: philosophy or natural sciences." (Röntgen to Mrs. Theodor Boveri, Munich, April 10, 1920.)

Until his death, Röntgen liked to experiment and he was very fond of talking to the Munich physicists, Sommerfeld and Wien. He often saw Dr. Cohen, who always knew something new and interesting and who also kept him well informed on the economic situation of Germany, so that Röntgen, unlike many other University professors, adapted himself to the new conditions and even began to buy stocks, though he was amused at himself, that he should start to do business on the stock market in his old age. During the last years of his life he was extremely thrifty, in order not to use up his capital and he would have been deeply grieved if he had known that the great legacy which he left to the University of Würzburg was almost completely destroyed by the inflation.


Mais:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vDSuBK5YDfs
http://www.spiegel.de/roentgenbilder-ersten-weltkrieg-985620.html

domingo, 19 de junho de 2016

La Ofensiva Brusílov

IMPEROR
Junio 9, 2015

La Ofensiva Brusílov 1916

(Anna Khlyzova)

La Ofensiva Brusílov 1916, probablemente uno de los eventos más importantes y significativos de la Primera Guerra Mundial en nuestra historia. Esto se debe al hecho de que es una de las mayores batallas de la guerra, muchos comandantes soviéticos famosos que han ganado en la Gran Guerra Patria. participado en esta batalla.

LA OFENSIVA BRUSÍLOV: LAS CAUSAS Y CONDICIONES

La ofensiva de verano del ejército ruso fue parte de un plan estratégico global para la Entente 1916, prevé la cooperación entre los ejércitos aliados en los distintos teatros de guerra. Bajo este plan, las fuerzas anglo-francesas estaban preparando una operación de la Somme. De acuerdo con la decisión de la Conferencia de las potencias de la Entente en Chantilly (marzo de 1916) lanzó un ataque en el frente francés estaba prevista para el 1 de julio y en el frente de Rusia - el 15 de junio 1916.

Directiva del ruso altos mandos Stavka de 11 (24) 04 1916 ofensiva rusa nombrado en los tres frentes (Norte, Oeste y Sur-Oeste). El equilibrio de fuerzas, de acuerdo con las Ofertas, está a favor de Rusia. A finales de marzo, los frentes norte y oeste tenían 1220 mil infantería y caballería contra 620 mil alemanes, South-Western Front - 512 mil contra 441 mil los austriacos. Superioridad doble en Polessie norte dicte la dirección del ataque principal. Tropas del frente occidental tuvieron su causa y de apoyo huelgas - Frentes Norte y Sur-Oeste. Montaje de las piezas producidas a toda su fuerza para aumentar la ventaja en las fuerzas en abril y mayo.

Apuesta temía un ejércitos ofensivos de las potencias centrales en el caso de la derrota francesa en Verdún, y que deseen tomar la iniciativa, ordenó a los frentes komanduschim para estar listo para la ofensiva antes de lo previsto. Ofertas Directiva no dio a conocer el propósito de la próxima operación, no proporcionó el fondo de las operaciones no especifica lo que debería haber sido alcanzado frentes en la ofensiva. Se creía que después de que el avance de la primera línea de defensa del enemigo se está preparando una nueva operación para superar la segunda banda. Esto se reflejó en la planificación de los frentes de operación. Por ejemplo, el comando del Frente Sudoeste no ha determinado las acciones de sus ejércitos en el desarrollo de avance y nuevas metas.

Al contrario de las pujas supuestos potencias centrales no planeaba grandes operaciones ofensivas en el frente de Rusia en el verano de 1916 Este comando austríaco no consideró posible atacar con éxito el ejército ruso al sur de Polissya sin su aumento significativo.

Signos de masas soldado fatiga de guerra aparecieron en el ejército ruso en el verano de 1916, pero en el ejército austro-húngara para combatir la reticencia manifiesta mucho más fuerte, y la capacidad de combate general del ejército ruso fue más alta que la de Austria. 2 (15) Mayo tropas austríacas lanzado una ofensiva en el frente italiano en la región de Trentino y derrotó a los italianos. En este sentido, Italia hizo un llamamiento a Rusia para la ayuda en la aparición de los ejércitos del Frente Suroeste, que se opuso a los austriacos en su mayoría. 18 (31) Tasa de mayo de su directiva nombrada ofensiva del Frente Sudoeste de 22 de mayo (04 de junio), y el Frente Occidental - en mayo 28 a 29 (10-11 de junio). El ataque principal fue asignado al frente occidental (al mando del general A.E. Evert).

PREPARACIÓN OFENSIVA

En la preparación del comandante de la operación del frente suroeste, general A.A. Brusilov decidió hacer un gran avance en el frente de cada uno de sus cuatro ejércitos. A pesar de que se rocía las fuerzas rusas, el enemigo también se impide que la dirección de efectivo tiro con prontitud del ataque principal. De acuerdo con las Ofertas de planos en general fuerte flanco derecho octavo ejército infligió la peor parte de Lutsk destinado a facilitar el golpe principal del frente occidental. La libertad de elección traza un gran avance fue proporcionada por los comandantes del ejército. La superioridad sobre el enemigo en la mano de obra (2-2,5 veces) y la artillería (1.5 a 1.7 veces) se estableció sobre la dirección de los ejércitos de impacto. Exploración cuidadosa, la capacitación de las tropas, cabezas de puente de ingeniería equipo se acercó a las posiciones rusas a la austríaca precedieron a la ofensiva.

La preparación de artillería duró entre 3 am del 21 de mayo (03 de junio) a 9 am del 23 de mayo (05 de junio) y llevó a la destrucción de una fuerte primera línea de defensa y la neutralización parcial de la artillería enemiga. Entonces pasado a la ofensiva rusa octavo, 11, séptimo y noveno del ejército (más de 633 000 personas y 1938 cañones) rompieron la defensa estática del frente austro-húngaro, al mando del archiduque Friedrich. El avance se llevó a cabo directamente en las 13 áreas con el desarrollo posterior de los flancos laterales y de profundidad. Ejército 8 (comandado por el general Kaledin A.M.), que rompió a través del frente, 25 de mayo (07 de junio) se Lutsk, y un 2 (15) de junio derrotado ejército austro-húngaro archiduque José Fernando y avanzó a 65 kilometros. 11 y séptimo ejército rompieron el frente, alcanzó el mayor éxito en el primer etapedostigla pero contraataques enemigos ofensiva fue suspendida. Ejército 9 (comandante general P.A. Lechitsky) rompió a través del frente del ejército austro-húngaro séptimo, y 5 (18) en junio tomó Chernovtsy.

La amenaza de un ataque del Ejército en el octavo Potencias Centrales Kovel obligado a lanzar en esta dirección dos divisiones alemanas del teatro de Europa occidental, dos divisiones de Austria - desde el frente italiano, y un gran número de piezas con otras partes del frente oriental. Sin embargo, iniciaron 3 tropas (16) contraataque junio austro-alemanas contra el 8º Ejército no tuvo éxito.

Al mismo tiempo, el frente occidental le ordenó aplazar la aplicación de ataque principal Stavka. Con el consentimiento del Jefe de Estado Mayor, el general M.V. Alekseev, el general Evert ha pospuesto la fecha del frente occidental a 4 (17) de junio. Ataque privada la primera Grenadier Cuerpo en una amplia sección de la parte delantera 2 (15) en junio tuvo éxito, y Evert comenzó un nuevo reagrupamiento de fuerzas, por lo que la ofensiva se pospuso Oeste frente ya a principios de julio. Aplicar para cambiar los términos de la ofensiva del Frente Occidental, Brusilov dio el octavo ejército nueva directiva - la ofensiva, el carácter defensivo, para desarrollar el puñetazo en Kovel, en el Lvov.

Para 12 (25) en junio en el sur-occidental del frente para establecer el período de calma relativa. 24 de junio de bombardeo preliminar ejércitos anglo-francesas en el Somme, que duró 7 días comenzaron, y 1 de julio los aliados pasaron a la ofensiva. Operación del Somme exigido por Alemania, sólo en julio para aumentar el número de sus divisiones en esta área del 8 al 30. rusa frente occidental se trasladó finalmente a la ofensiva el 20 de junio (3 de julio), y el Frente Sur-Occidental reanudó la ofensiva el 22 de junio (5 de julio). Causar la peor parte de un nudo ferroviario importante Kovel, octavo ejército llegó a la línea de p. Stokhid, pero en ausencia de las reservas tenido dos semanas para detener la ofensiva.

El ataque a Baranovichi grupo de ataque del Frente Occidental, realizada 06 20 al 25 (julio 3-8) por fuerzas superiores (331 y 128 batallón contra cientos de 82 batallones del ejército alemán noveno) fue rechazado con grandes pérdidas para el ruso. El inicio del frente norte con la cabeza de puente de Riga también resultó infructuosa y el Alto Mando alemán continuó moviéndose tropas de las áreas al norte de Polissya al sur.

En julio, la tasa fue trasladado a la Guardia del Sur y reserva estratégica, creó un ejército general especial Bezobrazov, y ordenó el maestro Frente Sur-Occidental Kovel. 15 (28) frente Suroeste en julio comenzaron una nueva ofensiva. Los ataques a la Stokhod desfiladero pantanosa fortificada contra las tropas alemanas no. Ejército 11 frente Suroeste tomó Brody y séptima del ejército - Galich. Progreso significativo logrado en julio y 09 de agosto el General de Ejército N. Lechitskogo, que ha ganado Stanislav Bucovina y habiendo tomado. A finales de agosto, la ofensiva de los ejércitos rusos se detuvo debido al aumento de la resistencia de las tropas austro-alemán, así como grandes pérdidas y la fatiga del personal.

LOS RESULTADOS DE LA OFENSIVA

Como resultado de la ofensiva del Sur-Occidental Frente infligido una grave derrota de las tropas austro-húngaras en Galicia y Bukovina. La pérdida de las potencias centrales, en estimaciones rusas, ascendió a cerca de medio millón de personas muertas, heridos y capturados. Las elevadas pérdidas sufridas por las tropas austríacas, bajaron aún más su capacidad de combate. Para repeler el ataque de Rusia a Alemania del teatro francés arrojó 11 divisiones de infantería, y Austria-Hungría en el frente italiano - La sexta división de infantería, que era el medio tangibles de la Entente aliados Rusia. Bajo la influencia de la victoria de Rusia Rumania tomó la decisión de unirse a la guerra en el lado de la Entente, aunque las consecuencias de esta decisión son estimadas por los historiadores es ambiguo.

La transición final de la iniciativa estratégica de las Potencias Centrales de la Entente fue el resultado de un gran avance en el sudoeste de delantero y el funcionamiento de la Somme. Los aliados lograron alcanzar esa cooperación, en el que durante dos meses (julio-agosto), Alemania tuvo que dirigir sus reservas estratégicas limitados y el Oeste y el Frente Oriental. Al mismo tiempo, la campaña de verano del ejército ruso en 1916 mostró serias deficiencias en la gestión de las tropas. La tasa no fue capaz de poner en práctica el plan acordado con los aliados de los de verano en general ofensivos tres frentes, y un frente sudoeste golpe auxiliar fue la ofensiva principal. La ofensiva del Frente Sudoeste no fue oportunamente apoyado por otros frentes. La tasa no ha mostrado suficiente firmeza con respecto al general Evert, quien arrancó en repetidas ocasiones horario ofensiva del Frente Occidental. Como resultado, una parte considerable de frente Suroeste contra refuerzos alemanes vinieron de otras partes del frente oriental.

Ofensivo julio en el Frente Occidental Baranovichi reveló la incapacidad de los comandantes de hacer frente a la tarea de romper posición alemana fuertemente fortificada incluso con una superioridad significativa de fuerzas. Desde junio de Lutsk avance octavo Ejército no fue proporcionada por las ofertas, no fue precedida por una concentración de poderosas reservas de primera línea, así que no hay ejército ni la octava parte delantera Suroeste podría desarrollar este avance. Asimismo, debido a las fluctuaciones del tipo y Comando delante Suroeste durante el octavo ofensiva de julio y el tercero del Ejército llegó a la 1 (14), p. Stokhid sin reservas adecuadas y tuvo que parar y esperar a que el enfoque del Ejército Especial. Dos semanas de respiro dieron el tiempo de mando alemán para lanzar refuerzos, y los posteriores ataques divisiones rusas fueron rechazados. "La prisa no tolera un descanso."

Por estas razones, algunos historiadores militares han llamado a una operación exitosa del Frente Suroeste "perdió la victoria". Enormes pérdidas del ejército ruso en la operación (según algunas fuentes, sólo medio millón de personas al frente Suroeste al 13 de junio) requieren conscripto adicional, al final de 1916 el aumento de la oposición a la guerra entre la población rusa.


Fonte:
http://imperor.net/es/historia/la-ofensiva-brusilov-1916

Mais:
http://www.grandesguerras.com.br/artigos/text01.php?art_id=115
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jLjedWGlFMw

domingo, 12 de junho de 2016

Pirandello

La saga dei Pirandello: Il figlio prigioniero, la follia della moglie e un nuovo teatro

(Salvatore Scalia)

Nel lungo racconto "Berecche e la Guerra" Luigi Pirandello descrive la disperazione di una madre per il figlio partito volontario per la Grande guerra: "Non vede nulla; non ode nulla; di tratto in tratto s'avventa contro l'uscio dello studio; lo sforza a furia di manate, di spallate, di ginocchiate e si scaglia contro il marito, gli si para davanti con le dita artigliate su la faccia, come volesse sbranarlo, e gli urla, feroce: Voglio mio figlio! Voglio mio figlio! Assassino! voglio mio figlio! voglio mio figlio!"

Berecche la compatisce per uno strazio che condivide, ne osserva lo sguardo da folle e scoppia a piangere "sul grigio capo scarmigliato della vecchia compagna non amata".

Il racconto concepito nei mesi che precedono l'entrata in guerra dell'Italia, nel maggio del 1915, e rielaborato in quelli immediatamente successivi, è la trasposizione letteraria della situazione in casa Pirandello. Lo scrittore proietta in Berecche il proprio dilemma se sia giusto abbandonare l'alleanza con Austria e Germania, facendolo propendere per il sì; Stefano, il primogenito, è partito volontario dopo avere partecipato a manifestazioni interventiste a Roma; e in famiglia la situazione, sempre tesa per gli scatti di follia della madre Antonietta Portulano, è peggiorata. Ad accentuare il carattere autobiografico del racconto, Pirandello inserisce una lettera dal fronte del figlio, e, approfittando della finzione letteraria, dichiara il disamore per la "compagna non amata".

L'ansia per Stefano, e l'ostilità interna alla famiglia costituiscono due dei tre fronti su cui si batté Pirandello negli anni della Grande guerra; il terzo fu la rivoluzione teatrale di cui fu protagonista dal 1916 in poi.

Stefano era andato ad arruolarsi il 31 dicembre del 1914. A fine luglio 1915, col grado di sottotenente, era stato inviato al fronte e il 2 novembre era caduto prigioniero degli austriaci. Cominciò così una lunga prigionia prima a Mauthausen e poi, dopo la disfatta di Caporetto, a Plan in Boemia. Fu liberato a guerra finita, nel novembre del 1918. In tutti questi anni di segregazione, Pirandello ebbe il pensiero costantemente rivolto al figlio, alla sua salute mentale e fisica, attento a decifrare dalle lettere segni di cedimento, sempre pronto a incoraggiarlo e a proporsi come esempio: l'unico rimedio era il lavoro. Stefano, che sarebbe divenuto scrittore anche lui, abbozzò in quegli anni le prime opere letterarie.

La guerra provocò in casa Pirandello lunghi periodi di tregua, per non provocare ulteriori sofferenze al figlio prigioniero. Incombeva però la memoria di quanto era acceduto nell'aprile del 1914: Antonietta, durante una delle sue frequenti fughe a Girgenti, aveva dato in escandescenze, sentendosi perseguitata da preti e carabinieri, rischiando il manicomio da cui l'aveva salvata il marito. La paura di essere ricoverata e l'ansia per Stefano sedarono la sua aspirazione a essere "Libbera e indipendente. Indipendente e libbera."

Il rapporto coniugale si era deteriorato nel 1903, quando nel fallimento del suocero Stefano Pirandello si erano volatilizzate le settantamila lire di dote della nuora e la relativa rendita annuale. Antonietta per mesi era rimasta paralizzata alle gambe. La deprivazione economica, sociale e morale si mutò in odio implacabile verso il marito. A volte lo cacciava dalla stanza coniugale, altre persino dalla casa, e spesso si rifugiava a Girgenti portandosi dietro l'uno o l'altro dei tre figli: Stefano, Fausto e Lietta che fu la vittima predestinata.

Le lettere che da casa Pirandello partivano verso il campo di prigionia riguardo alla situazione familiare abbondavano di formule convenzionali. Stefano, prima di essere fatto prigioniero, fu informato solo di una crisi nell'agosto del 1915 e le inviò un'invocazione: "Mamma, non mi fare bruciare dentro." Poi fu tenuto all'oscuro del tentato suicidio della sorella che, angariata e remissiva, il 15 aprile del 1916 si chiuse nella sua stanza e premette il grilletto di una pistola che il padre deteneva in casa. L'arma fece cilecca e la ragazza fuggì di casa. La crisi fu superata, ma Pirandello scrisse alla sorella Lina che, finita la guerra e rientrato Stefano, la cosa migliore sarebbe stata ricoverare la moglie in una casa di cura.

Stefano era stato il confidente, il primo lettore delle opere del padre, e Pirandello lo informava costantemente della sua attività. In una lettera del 25 febbraio 1916, gli raccontò di avere assistito al teatro Morgana a "Lumie di Sicilia", "che hanno avuto un felicissimo esito nella meravigliosa interpretazione di Musco", e di aver promesso all'attore catanese che avrebbe ricavato per lui un dramma dalla novella "Pensaci, Giacomino!"

Cominciava così con un testo dalla morale anticonvenzionale, con una straordinaria e inarrestabile vena creativa, la rivoluzione teatrale di Pirandello. La messinscena il 10 luglio, annuncia al figlio in una lettera scritta il giorno dopo, ha avuto un esito trionfale, "Musco è stato grande". Il giorno 14 ritorna sull'argomento: "Musco è entusiasta della sua parte, che dà la misura intera del suo valore artistico, impedendogli d'abbandonarsi ai comici acrobatismi di dubbio gusto del Paraninfo e del San Giovanni decollato."

Il successo alimentò il sogno di rifugiarsi in una "bicocchetta" di montagna. "La mia più viva soddisfazione sarà di lanciare di lassù un solennissimo sputo a tutta la civiltà."

Il 24 ottobre comunica al figlio di avere scritto in quindici giorni "Liolà": "Ma la sentirai al tuo ritorno, perché certo questa è opera che vivrà a lungo."

Nel gennaio 1917 riferisce di "gravi dissensi" con Musco. Sebbene l'attore avesse contribuito al successo, Pirandello s'indispettiva delle libertà da guitto, anche perché era convinto che ai suoi testi non si addicessero i modi farseschi. Ebbe come alleato Martoglio, ed entrambi proibirono a Musco di recitare i loro testi. Anche se si rappacificarono, comunque le loro strade erano destinate a divaricarsi.

Il teatro di Pirandello, anche se non parla di guerra, coglie i mutamenti psicologici della società sull'onda lunga della deflagrazione umana e morale delle masse schierate in trincea. Il richiamo agli effetti del conflitto è implicito nel linguaggio bellico utilizzato da Antonio Gramsci recensendo "Il piacere dell'onestà" nel novembre del 1917 sul quotidiano socialista "Avanti!": "Luigi Pirandello è un 'ardito' del teatro. Le sue commedie sono tante bombe a mano che scoppiano nei cervelli degli spettatori e producono crolli di banalità, rovine di sentimenti, di pensiero."

La tregua in famiglia si ruppe per l'ennesima esplosione di follia di Antonietta che nel giugno del 1918 aggredì la figlia accusandola di volersi sostituire a lei, di tramare per ucciderla e impossessarsi dell'eredità, e perfino di rapporti incestuosi con il padre. Lietta si rifugiò presso gli zii a Viareggio. Pirandello scrisse alla sorella Lina che "aveva appuntato contro di lei tutta la ferocia della sua laida pazzia". Stefano, ignaro di tutto e presentendo imminente la liberazione, si illudeva: "Voglio ritrovarvi tutti uniti, nella santa pace di casa nostra, casa mia!"

In effetti Pirandello si era rivolto al Vaticano per sollecitare uno scambio di prigionieri. La pratica arrivò al presidente del Consiglio Vittorio Emanuele Orlando ma il tentativo fallì perché le autorità austriache pretendevano la liberazione di tre valenti ufficiali in cambio del figlio di un'illustre personalità italiana.

Finita la guerra, il ritorno del reduce fu traumatico: si trovò dinanzi alla irrevocabile decisione del padre di ricoverare la moglie. Tentò di resistere, vagheggiò di vivere con lei, ma alla fine si arrese all'evidenza. Certo era impossibile ad un figlio dare un giudizio reciso su una madre che per lettera gli aveva espresso una riflessione così profonda sulla condizione femminile: "Non escludo che questo avviene anche in molte famiglie del continente e via di seguito, ma in Sicilia la donna deve rappresentare Mater dolorosa. Niente distrazioni, niente vestire, niente amore, niente dignità, servire, servire, servire, ecco quello che si vuole da me. E' possibile?"

A quel destino senza vie d'uscita, lei stessa preferì la casa di cura.

Archiviata la guerra vittoriosa come lutto e insano massacro; dei tre fronti su cui era stato impegnato Luigi Pirandello, due ebbero esito positivo, il figlio era tornato e sulla scena la sua marcia era stata trionfale; ma la guerra di logoramento con la moglie non poteva avere né vinti né vincitori, per tutti rimase una ferita bruciante.


Fonte:
http://milocca.wordpress.com/2014/09/12/la-saga-dei-pirandello

Mais:
http://pirandelloonline.altervista.org/primaguerramondiale.htm
http://altritaliani.net/spip.php?article2072

domingo, 5 de junho de 2016

Marlene

Trechos de Blue Angel: The Life Of Marlene Dietrich (1992), de Donald Spoto.


The routines of school, housework and violin lessons continued for Maria [Magdelene "Marlene" Dietrich] from 1912 to 1914 [...]. Whatever were the terms and degree of reciprocity in Maria's attachment to her teacher, the relationship ended abruptly when Mlle [Marguerite] Bréguand returned to France immediately after war was declared in 1914.

Of this time, the actress Tilla Durieux remembered soldiers marching proudly out of Berlin to war, showered with blossoms as they went. "Every face looks happy," Durieux wrote. "We've got war! Bands in the cafés and restaurants play [martial tunes] without stopping, and everybody has to listen to them standing up ... There's a superabundance of everything: people, food and enthusiasm!" But Maria, forlorn over the departure of a teacher she idolized and confused about the attitude of Francophobia everyone was supposed to assume, could not comprehend the prevalent jubilation. Nor would she agree to stop speaking the enemy language, as pupils were asked to pray for the defeat of France; she often peppered her conversations with French phrases, to the indignant stares of classmates and superiors.

The festival atmosphere - as Berliners celebrated a war to establish the Empire's supremacy - was brief. Maria and the other schoolgirls were required to take on extra duties, knitting gloves, scarves and sweaters for soldiers. By 1915, food and fuel were strictly rationed, milk was a rarity, and potatoes were the diet staple. Maria's stepfather, who was on maneuvers during the summer of 1914, proceeded directly to combat without returning home, and before the end of that year her Uncle Max and two cousins were killed in battle. Like many of her friends, she then attached a black band to her left sleeve and wore only a black or grey dress. The rituals of bereavement also required that her long hair (now a luxuriant ash blond) henceforth be tightly wound and pinned up, worn loose only on Sundays at home. (In her adulthood, she was embarrassed by the fact that her uncle had commanded the first Zeppelin raid over London.)

Throughout the war, Maria went regularly to the city hall with her mother or a schoolmate, to scan the lists of wounded, missing and dead. At home there were ominous family meetings, as visiting aunts, cousins or Grandmother Felsing asked news of those fighting relatives from whom no letter had been recently received. By 1916, life became harsher still, for every street had a family in mourning and food was severely limited. At Christmas that year, Eduard von Losch sent a tin of corned beef to his family; it was the first meat they had seen in two years, and they parceled out slices in tiny slivers, heating the empty can several times for the residue of grease in which to fry potatoes. The following year, however, even potatoes were scarce and considerable imagination was brought to the preparations of turnips; there were, for example, turnip jelly, turnip bread and turnip soup, and the top-greens were boiled and reboiled for stocks and teas.

During wartime, Marlene Dietrich later felt, German women

did not seem to suffer in a world without men ... Our life among women had become such a pleasant habit that the prospect that the men might return at times disturbed us - men who would again take the scepter in their hands and again become lords in their households.

But no master would ever rule the Dietrich-von Losch home again. Early in 1918, Wilhelmina was informed that her husband had been seriously wounded on the Russian border. She was permitted to visit him at a makeshift hospital, and although he seemed to rally, he died of infection not long after her return to Berlin. Since he had entered Maria's life in 1911, Eduard von Losch had lived with the family for a total of about eight months; he was never more than a vague and distant provider. When asked years later if she missed her father or stepfather, she replied flatly, "No. You can't miss what you never had."

- - -
There was good reason for grief all over the country. Almost 1,800,000 Germans had been killed in the war - more casualties than any other nation - and by autumn 1918 there were few more men to sacrifice. During the conflict, Berlin had endured many strikes in addition to the general political turmoil, but now the crisis was enormous. A general strike on November 9, organized to dissolve the Empire and depose the Kaiser, rallied hundreds of thousands of Berlin workers, soldiers and sailors at the Reich Chancellery. His own generals advised Wilhelm to abdicate, and that day he left for exile in Holland. Within hours, the radical pacifist, anti-imperialist and Social Democrat Karl Liebknecht proclaimed the birth of a free Socialist Republic of Germany from the balcony of the Imperial Palace. At the same time, police headquarters and newspaper offices were occupied by left-wing extremists.

The uprising was immediately opposed. Bloody street battles ensued, and while armed revolutionaries took to the streets - seizing everything from government buildings to breweries to railway stations - private armies loyal to the old regime responded in full force, and in early 1919 Liebknecht was murdered. International peace treaties were being composed as the war ended, but there was nothing like concord in the streets of Berlin.

After elections were held, a new constitution was drafted on February 24, 1919, in the town of Weimar, about 140 miles from central Berlin. The Widow von Losch, eager to provide some kind of safe haven for her daughters, decided to pack them off to school in that city. Elisabeth successfully pleaded to remain behind and begin her teacher training in Berlin, but Maria readily agreed to her mother's suggestion.

- - -
Renowned for its music conservatories, Weimar was also the residence of Professor Robert Reitz, a noted violinist and teacher. When Maria Dietrich arrived in April, it was to study with him.

At seventeen, she had grown to her full height of five feet, five inches. Like her mother, however, she tended to corpulence, and the short, more fashionable skirt and the short bobbed hairstyle she now adopted made her seem almost Rubenesque.

- - -
That life was, perhaps more than anything, a madcap European version of the postwar, liberated jazz age; in fact, in a way the Roaring Twenties began in Berlin. There was first of all, in 1919, a great Russian influence following the mass exodus from that country after the war: their newspapers, restaurants and styles were ubiquitous. Pianist Vladimir Horowitz and writer Vladimir Nabokov were among the first Russian refugees. [...] Dadaism, the anarchic art movement founded at Zurich's Café Voltaire, reached Berlin, too, where an adherent like Kurt Schwitters insisted he was making a political statement by festooning the walls of his home with junkyard trash. More sedately, English tearooms and literary societies opened monthly in Berlin, and soon American influence was everywhere evident - in pop songs, imported Broadway shows, the films of Chaplin.

- - -
Things were happening quickly, and nowhere was the speed more evident than in the silent "flickers" that became popular as the new German cinema flourished. At the height of the war, General Ludendorf (among others) had seen the potential of film as propaganda, and in 1917 the major production companies were consolidated as the Universum Film Aktien Gesellschaft (known familiarly as UFA) - the Universe Film Company. After the Versailles Treaty, the government's one-third interest was sold, and UFA began to produce commercial and, when censorship was abolished, even unusual entertainments. The titles Hyenas of Lust and A Man's Girlhood fairly describe their stories.

But there was enduring art in the cinema. Robert Wiene's fantastic silent film The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari (1919), a weirdly expressionistic horror tale with a hallucinatory depiction of madness, was perhaps most responsible for the public's interest in movies, and soon Fritz Lang was preparing grave thrillers (Destiny, Dr. Mabuse and Spies) about society's anarchic impulses. F. W. Murnau, Ernst Lubitsch and Robert Siodmak were also refining skills they later took with them to film work elsewhere, and Billy Wilder, Fred Zinnemann and Alfred Hitchcock came from Vienna and London to make films at UFA's Neubabelsberg studios, which offered the finest technical facilities in the world. Whatever could not be supplied by state funding was provided by wealthy bankers, and by 1922 there were over 275 film companies (up from twenty-eight six years earlier) and a parallel explosion in the number of movie houses.

- - -
But there was a darker side. [...]

In 1919, a dollar bought eight marks; four years later, it bought four trillion. Violent crime accompanied massive unemployment and homelessness, there was a terrible food shortage, and families routinely dissolved. Often ten or a dozen strangers shared a dingy room with out-of-work drifters. An influenza epidemic claimed the lives of seventeen hundred people in a single day in 1919. Not surprisingly, political discontent often became ferocious, and there were more than five hundred assassinations in street riots between 1920 and 1923; reason seemed as debased as the currency.

Amid such disarray, forms of escape were understandably desired, and casual sex and opium were easily available. [...]

Into this world of 1921 Berlin returned Maria Magdalene von Losch (as she had been known in school at Weimar). Her violin lessons continued that year, but to support herself she often worked in a small, tacky cabaret orchestra, in a glove factory, a hat shop and even at a newspaper kiosk. Before her twentieth birthday that December she had at least two romantic liaisons - one with a frail young man whose identity is unknown and who subsequently died of dysentery, the second with an older man whose wealth somehow withstood the general economic distress. The sickly lad evoked her pity and tenderness; it was also an opportunity for an unthreatening, undemanding sexual interlude she could effectively control. And from the senior beau she willingly accepted meals and trinkets until she learned he had other romantic attachments as well as a wife and four children, whereupon she booted him out. Very quickly (as often happens when young people come to the swirling freedom of a modern metropolis) her residual shyness was overcome - not, it seems, by conscious effort, but simply by absorbing the Berliner Luft, the atmosphere itself.


Mais:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TW0PKhIvLz0