domingo, 27 de novembro de 2016

The Balkans

Trechos de Russia, The Balkans And The Dardanelles (1915), de Granville Fortescue.


The Balkan States are the weight that can change the war balance which now hangs with such preponderance on the side of the Central European Confederacy.

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Rumania is a constant military menace on the flank of Austria. More than this, from an economic point of view, it is of the utmost importance that the confederacy do not lose this essential fountain head of supplies. Thus this Latin nation bulks large as a potential factor in the world struggle.

Bulgaria stands like a sentinel at the door of Turkey. The weaker brother of the Germanic union is at the mercy of her ancient enemy. That Constantinople takes heed of this threatening presence is proved both by the conciliatory attitude of Turkey towards Bulgaria in conducting the Dedeagatch railroad pourparlers and by the precautionary measures taken in strengthening the Chataldja defences.

Greece is of lesser consequence in the problem. If the Entente wins the support of either of the other neutral Balkan States the preposterous assumptions of the Hellenic politicians will continue to be disregarded.

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Rumania to-day is a nation peaceful, prosperous and content. Despite the fact that it is hemmed in on all sides by fighting armies, life proceeds in fairly placid grooves. The work, and certainly the play, of the people has not as far as one can see met any insuperable dam. They have already adjusted themselves to the commercial inconveniences of their position, and have availed themselves of such business opportunities as the plight of their fighting neighbours offers. The commercial position of Rumania is analogous to that of the United States in this war with the advantage of free access to German markets. The result has been remarkable prosperity. This economic flood-tide is reflected in the appearance of Bukarest. It is a well-fed, well-dressed crowd that fills the Calle Victoria after the hours of work. Pretty women walk or drive down the narrow thoroughfare while the men stroll and admire, as has long been the custom. Here and there a red-coated hussar adds the needful picturesque touch to the scenes. But these warriors are hardly more warlike than the cast of the Merry Widow. There is much of the musical comedy in the atmosphere, a stratum of gaiety and lightness that is hardly the indication of a nation preparing for the trials of battle. During the spring months the Rumanians divided their time between the attractions of race meetings and battles of flowers, the latter being a pastime that appealed especially to the multitude.

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Railway journeys have taken me across Rumania on three occasions at monthly intervals. On each occasion I was impressed by the number of freight cars bearing German or Austrian markings that crowded the sidings. I saw cars that had travelled from East Prussia, Hungary, Brandenburg and even Bavaria to be loaded here in Rumania. The fact was significant. The whole surplusage of the Rumanian grain crop was being shipped into the heart of Germany and Austria. Food-stuffs of all kinds were following the same route. Wood, coal and even petrol were exported in large quantities. Time and again I saw interminable trains loaded with fuel pass in the direction of the northern frontier. The destination of these loads was obvious. And this meant a return flow of German gold to the coffers of Rumania. It is not extraordinary then that this nation failed to follow the lead of Italy.

Whatever influence Italy had in the affairs of Rumania was discounted by the presence of 60,000 German and Austrian business men domiciled in the Balkan country, and the material wealth promised by the continued activities of these business men was a far more potent factor in shaping Rumania's course than the tradition of Italian origin. This Teutonic mixture has more than a mere commercial impulsion. It has been a silent force working in the interests of Germany. I saw its effect during the winter and spring of the present year. In December the Rumanians were decidedly on the side of the Triple Entente. With the advance of the Russian armies into the Carpathians there were many who seriously considered that the moment had arrived for Rumania to throw in her lot with the Allies. The dream of adding Transylvania to her domain might be made a reality. This feeling continued and increased up till the month of May. Negotiations of a tentative nature were carried on between the Rumanian Foreign Office and the representatives of the Entente. But in these preliminary discussions the Balkan State asked not only Transylvania but Bukowina, a part of the province of Banat, and certain cities in Bessarabia, as the price of co-operation.

While these bargainings were going on, the situation changed. The Russians evacuated the Carpathians, and with the subsequent military reverses of the Tsar's troops, the Rumanian diplomats dropped the subject. But it was not alone the military phase that affected the negotiations, but the attitude of the Rumanian people. The German element has been at work among the population and by the simple reiteration of the arguments supporting the Teutonic side of the appeal to arms and with a certain stress on the horrors of war, they contrived to check the enthusiasm for the Allies' cause and turn the thoughts of the people strongly to the other side of the question. "What will happen to me if we go to war?" became the uppermost idea in the mind of the individual Rumanian. And this question interprets the position of Rumania to-day.

In the first week of July coincident with the Austro-German military successes in Galicia the Austrian Minister in Bukarest, Count Czernin, presented a note from his country to the Rumanian Government containing two sets of proposals contingent upon first the friendly neutrality of the Balkan nation and second upon early military aid. In passing it may be well to state the 'friendly neutrality' as interpreted by the Austrians means the right to ship munitions through Rumanian territory to Turkey.

In case Rumania maintained this type of neutrality she would be given the Bukowina with the River Seret as her northern boundary. This was the main proposal, although other concessions were promised the Rumanian inhabitants of the Dual Monarchy, such as various public appointments and the foundation of a university at Kronstadt.

If Rumania put her five army corps and two cavalry divisions at the disposal of the Austrians, she would receive the whole Rumanian portion of the Bukowina to the River Pruth, and territory on the north bank of the Danube as far as the Iron Gates. If through the aid of the Rumanian army Bessarabia were conquered, that province would be immediately transferred to the Balkan nation as a permanent possession.

Nothing was said about Transylvania. The main difference between these proposals and the tentative Russian one was the substitution of Bessarabia for the Austrian province. Germany guaranteed the fulfilment of the conditions.

The real value of Rumanian friendship lay in the free passage of war shipments to Turkey. Germany has had to resort to all sorts of schemes in order to forward supplies to her ally. When the suspiciously heavy "bags" of the German diplomatic courier travelling between Berlin and Constantinople were X-rayed they were found to contain bombs. A consignment of Munich beer, for which ice was carefully ordered at different stops, proved to be barrels of powder, shot and shell. But the most ingenious scheme was a travelling circus, a whole train bound direct for Constantinople with clowns, horses, hoops and great boxes of paraphernalia which turned out to be a clever disguise for German artillery officers (the clowns) and a consignment of ordnance. What the Germans have succeeded in passing through Rumania undetected will never be known, but it is obvious that the right of passage is vital.

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But in fact the peasant of Rumania to-day is little better off than the men of the same class in the eighteenth century in France. In consequence the rights of suffrage are purely imaginary and the politicians maintain themselves in power by practices more in vogue in South America than in Europe. The party in power has all the machinery of government at its command.

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The Rumanian Premier sees Europe through Balkan glasses. At present he holds firmly to the course of neutrality.

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In the matter of equipment I should class the Rumanian soldier as second rate.

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After many conversations with politicians, journalists, bankers and merchants from Predeal to Rouschouk I have come to the conclusion that these see little gain for Rumania along the paths of war. They count the cost and weigh present prosperity against possible future territorial expansion. Almost without exception the decision is on the side of continued peace.

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Any decision taken by Rumania would immediately affect her neighbour of the south. Bulgaria, some say, is the key of the Balkan situation. This from a glance at the map would seem to be the case. But since the disastrous second Balkan war and the circumstances which led up to it Bulgaria has played a minor role in this corner of Europe. Now because of her geographic position in regard to the belligerent nations the opportunity may arrive which will allow her to once more take the leading part in Balkan affairs. This is the Bulgar's ambition.

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In Sofia one gets a concrete idea of national industry. New streets are being laid, new buildings are being built, and the city shows all the signs of healthy business activity. As an example of efficiency the market is an indication of Bulgarian progressiveness.

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To regain the territory lost by the Treaty of Bukarest is at present the end and aim of all Bulgarian diplomacy. The nation has suffered severely for the sin of the Second Balkan War. In the European crisis of to-day Bulgaria sees her chance to regain some of the land that was hers by right of conquest in 1912.

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In the first place Tsar Ferdinand wants the land filched from him by Rumania. He no longer visits his palace at Varna because his sight is saddened by the view of the land that was once Bulgaria's now under another flag. This is a wedge-shaped section of territory extending from Turtukai on the Danube to Ekrene on the Black Sea and including the important city of Silistria. It is a beautiful valley with about 300,000 inhabitants.

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In passing to the Bulgarian demand against Serbia we come to a mass of irreconcilable differences. It is the Central Macedonian question over again.

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It can be said with reason that the borderland between Bulgaria and Serbia is in a constant state of eruption. The Serbian comitadjis raid the lands of Bulgarian farmers, while time and again in retaliation Bulgarian expeditions cut across the frontier and back leaving the path of havoc behind them.

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The great number of German officers constantly in Sofia indicates that city as the connecting station between Vienna and Constantinople. My own experience - for I spent some time in the Grand Hotel Bulgarie, which is the centre of German activity - convinces me that there was a working understanding by which the Germans keep a continuous supply of ammunition moving towards Turkey.

Austrian aeroplanes are in constant flight to and from Constantinople. Time and again these machines have been compelled to land on Bulgarian soil for petrol or to make minor repairs. The Bulgarian authorities would sometimes make great parade of interning the Austrian flyers and confiscating their machines, but I have the best authority for believing that many of the airmen compelled to alight in Bulgaria were allowed to re-supply, re-fit and continue their flight unhindered.

The Bulgarian Army in organization and morale is in my opinion the best in the Balkan States.

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I have seen German engineer officers in Turkish uniform with transit and sketch board selecting the ground that offered the best military advantages for defence. Trenches are dug and gun emplacements constructed.

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In passing to the position of Serbia it is not necessary to emphasize the sacrifices made by this Slav nation. The world knows how heroically it has maintained itself against a ruthless invader and how it has withstood the ravages of disease. The Austrian and Hungarian myriads have been harried from Serbian soil, and as the military enemy has been conquered so have the Serbians triumphed over the inroads of typhus. These are splendid achievements and stand ever as a record of the heroic qualities of the Serbs.

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There are extremists among the politicians who would rather, in spite of the bitter hatred that has led to the present war, that Serbia make a separate peace with Austria than part with an inch of Macedonian territory.

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Such is far from being the present case. Outside of the narrow fighting zone the country is flourishing. Every acre behind the firing line in old Serbia shows promise of an abundant harvest of maize or wheat. I saw the beginning of this harvest when the men that could be spared from military service were sent back to ply their flails. The women had done the greater part of the planting and cultivating and they still continue to perform the larger share of farm work.

Not only was the economic situation satisfactory but sanitary conditions were daily showing improvement. At the time of which I write, the summer of 1915, typhus which had been a terrible scourge was rapidly dying out.

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As is the case in Rumania and Bulgaria, they see in the present crisis the possible opportunity for self-aggrandizement.

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The Serbian dream of an outlet to the Adriatic is becoming a reality. I have seen Austrian prisoners of war at work on the railroad which is to find its terminus at the Adriatic Sea.

[...] Serbia is the most dangerous reef on the Balkan chart.

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Greece boasts one of the most astute politicians of Europe [Eleftherios Venizelos]. During the period of the Grecian elections the European outlook altered, also an insidious German propaganda had been active among all classes in Greece. The great issue became a political shibboleth. The question of conceding Grecian territory met with popular disfavour.

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The influence of the Court in Grecian affairs is an unknown quantity. The Kaiser's sister as Queen of Greece complicates an exceedingly mixed political situation. She is a strong personality, and may be relied upon to forward her brother's cause by any methods.

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The barrier that prevents any solution of the Balkan Imbroglio is the intolerant assertion by each state of its own claims with an absolute disregard of the rights of others. It would take a diplomatic genius to reconcile the differences of the nations.