Nijinsky

Trechos de The Diary Of Vaslav Nijinsky.

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This Diary is Nijinsky's message to mankind. His expressed desire to have it published during his lifetime was fulfilled when it first appeared in 1936. [...]

The Diary was written during 1918-19 in St. Moritz where we had retired to await the end of the war. Isolated from the world, from all possibilities of exercising his art, my husband tried to reach the masses through other artistic mediums. He took up drawing and music, created choreographies, and finally wrote his Diary.

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Millions of years have gone by since the creation of man. Men think that God is where technical inventions are most advanced. God was already there when there was no mechanism. Steel is a necessary thing, but it is also a terrible thing. An aeroplane is a terrible thing. I flew in an aeroplane and cried in it. I do not know why, but I felt that aeroplanes destroy birds. All birds fly away at the sight of an aeroplane. An aeroplane is a useful thing but it must not be exaggerated. It is a thing coming from God and therefore I like it, but it must not be used for the purposes of war. An aeroplane should express goodwill. I like aeroplanes and will therefore fly in them where there are no birds. I love birds. I do not want to frighten them. A well-known flyer was flying in Switzerland and flew into an eagle.

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One must not kill tsars, emperors, and kings. I like tsars and the aristocrats, but their deeds are not always good deeds.

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War has not stopped through the thinking of men. I know how one could stop war. Wilson wants to stop war but men do not understand him. He wants tolerance in politics, therefore he does not like war. He did not want war. Lloyd George is a simple man, but he has a great brain. But his brain destroys feeling and therefore he has no wisdom in politics. Lloyd George is a difficult man.

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The murderer goes to death; those who start war are murderers because they kill millions of innocent people. I am a man in a million. I am not alone, because I feel more than a million others.

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I lived at my mother-in-law's during the war. Once I wanted to walk into a restaurant but an inner force kept me back. I stopped suddenly before a small restaurant frequented by working people. I wanted to enter but I did not like to as I was not a workman.

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I liked Paris cocottes when I was with Diaghilev. He thought me stupid, but I used to run to them. I ran about Paris looking for cheap cocottes, but I was afraid people would notice my actions. I know that those women have no disease as they are under special police supervision.

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I want Wilson to succeed in his undertakings, because they are near the truth. I feel the near death of Wilson. I was afraid for Clemenceau, too, because Clemenceau is a good man. His policy is stupid and therefore his life hangs on a hair. Men feel his mistakes. He is not aware of this and therefore his life is in danger. I love Clemenceau, because he is a child. I know children who do awful things, without wanting to. Lloyd George does not know that he will be found out, and therefore holds his head very high. I want to lower his head. I like him, but I must write the truth. I know that if he reads these notes, he will understand me. I know that Clemenceau is honest; he is the policy of France. He is a hard-working man, but he was mistaken when he sent France to her death. He is a man who seeks goodness, a child with a tremendous brain.

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Paderewski became a politician but he is a pianist. I like pianists who play with feeling. Music with feeling is Godlike. I do not like pure technique without feeling.

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During the World War every man was a criminal. The governments shielded the criminals, because the crimes of the governments were executed by them. God does not shield a government which wages war. He does not want war and has therefore sent horrors on mankind.

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I am neither Russian nor Pole. I am a man. I am not a foreigner or a cosmopolitan. I love the Russian soil. I will build a dam in Russia. I understand Gogol loved Russia. So do I. Russia feels more than any other country. She is the mother of all countries, and loves everyone. Russia is not a problem of politics. I know that many people in Russia will understand me. Russia is not Bolshevik. Russia is my mother. I love my mother. My mother lives in Russia. She is Polish, but she eats Russian bread and Schzi [sour cabbage soup]. I want love for my Russia although I know her shortcomings. She has destroyed the plan of war. The war would have ended earlier if she had not let in the Maximalists. The Russian people are like children. One must love them and govern them well.

If everyone will listen to me, there will be no more war.

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I have devoted a great deal of time during the war to dancing and have made great progress. I want to show the public how successfully I studied [...].

I am very fond of French artists and I wish I could dance for them. I know that a lot of French artists were killed in the war - many fathers died, leaving their children and wives without bread. I know too that the government is unable to provide for them all, therefore I would like to dance for the poor French artists. I want to dance for the Polish and other artists, too, when I go to the other countries.

The Poles love France because France gave them their Soul - so did the Poles: they died for France on the battlefields. The war has united the two nations. France knows the heroic deeds of the Poles.

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I understood that men urge horses and people on, till they fall down like stones, exhausted. I decided, like the horse, that they could beat us with a whip as much as they liked, but we would still do what we feel, because we want to live. The horse walked and so did I. In the sleigh a fat man was sitting with his wife, who was bored. So was the driver. Everyone was bored. I was not, because I was not thinking, I was feeling. I walked and walked, I came to the village of St. Moritz and stopped outside the telegraph office. I did not read the war bulletins.

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I am writing in small handwriting because paper is expensive - this is the trick of the shops. They take advantage of the war. They are afraid that it will end soon. The shops say that the war has forced them to increase their prices.

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They are ringing and ringing. I do not know who is calling as I do not like speaking on the telephone. [...] I am writing, crying, and thinking of my wife, who went out thinking that I am a barbarian of Russian origin. She heard these words in Hungary, when Russia was at war with Hungary. I was interned there. I lived there and composed the Theory of the Dance. I danced very little because I was sad, sad because I thought that my wife did not love me. I got engaged in Rio de Janeiro; I married suddenly in South America.

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It is over a year and a half since I have been able to communicate with her [wife]. She might think that I danced lately in England. Probably she will be frightened lest I be harmed on account of the revolution, as they might think I belong to the revolutionaries. [...] She knows I dislike forcefulness. She knows that even when I was a boy I disliked to fight with my classmates.

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Clemenceau will suffer, but I hope he will see through the whole company of diplomats and will be able to protect France. I love France and wish her well. I can see through the whole clique which has started the war. Clemenceau is a rich man and is not in need of anything, and so I feel that he has not been "bought." The Lloyd Georgians buy people, not only with money but with promises. Clemenceau thought that it would be good for France to get Alsace-Lorraine; this question can only be settled peacefully. Clemenceau understood Wilson and has consented to his plan. The French like the Alsatians and many families are weeping; they feel that it is unjust that they should not belong to French territory. The French do not like the Germans - I know how one can develop dislike for German people and I know who taught France to say Boche. One must not quarrel! German children are crying for their fathers too.

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Man's intelligence dies with his body, as it is limited. People say that intelligence has created everything; the aeroplanes, Zeppelins.

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My mother and sister escaped from Moscow to get away from the Maximalists. They were tired of the Civil War, and escaped together with Kotchetovsky, my brother-in-law, and their daughter Ira, leaving all their belongings behind.

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Mais:
http://docs.google.com/file/d/0BxwrrqPyqsnIUTNtMGI5MkJwM28 (subtitles)

Portugal

VISÃO HISTÓRIA
26 de Fevereiro de 2009

I Guerra Mundial - Portugal nas trincheiras

Quando passam 90 anos sobre o Tratado de Versalhes, que traçou as fronteiras e definiu as relações internacionais depois da Primeira Guerra Mundial, este quarto número da VISÃO História é dedicado àquele que terá sido o mais dramaticamente absurdo de todos os conflitos bélicos, com especial incidência na participação que Portugal teve nele.

Com efeito, as rivalidades entre as grandes potências de 1914 prendiam-se exclusivamente com o choque dos interesses económicos (onde a componente colonial desempenhava um importante papel), nada tendo que ver com diferenças ideológicas insanáveis semelhantes às que oporiam mais tarde as democracias e as ditaduras, o capitalismo e o comunismo ou o liberalismo e o fundamentalismo. Em 1914, ano terminal da Belle Époque e do poderio europeu sobre o planeta, havia apenas a vontade de um bloco de países afirmar a sua supremacia sobre outro bloco de sistema sociopolítico semelhante, e vice-versa.

Portugal, onde a jovem República triunfara menos de quatro anos antes sobre uma monarquia quase oito vezes secular, não era obviamente uma potência com ambições de domínio mundial, mas nem por isso deixava de desempenhar papel de relevo no acesso às riquezas africanas. O receio de ficar excluído do banquete dos vencedores, a cuja sobremesa seriam partilhadas as colónias, impulsionava para a guerra, ao lado da "velha aliada" Inglaterra, este nosso país já então claramente periférico. O desejo de afirmação internacional do novo regime republicano, aliado a interesses político-partidários do momento, faria o resto.

A nossa participação na hecatombe mundial seria uma vitória de Pirro: as colónias foram mantidas, mas à custa de 7 mil mortos (carne para canhão maioritariamente analfabeta que desconhecia a razão por que lutava) e de uma crise económico-financeira de amplitude sem precedentes, que haveria de abrir a porta a uma ditadura de 48 anos.

Permaneceu, por isso, durante muitas décadas, na memória colectiva portuguesa, a lembrança simultaneamente doce e amarga da Grande Guerra - assim chamada antes da eclosão da Segunda Guerra Mundial, e ainda depois disso, por hábito de duas décadas. Raras eram as famílias que não tinham sido directamente visitadas pela morte, num País onde pululavam os monumentos e as avenidas e praças dedicadas aos "Combatentes da Grande Guerra" e onde passou a ser venerado o "Soldado Desconhecido" sepultado no Mosteiro da Batalha. A participação portuguesa no conflito era diariamente lembrada em todo o tipo de situações pelo menos ate à década de 50, antes de Salazar ter enviado tropas para Angola "rapidamente e em força", inaugurando a segunda aventura guerreira portuguesa do século XX - esta, em contraste com a anterior, isolada e fora de época.

Hoje, a Primeira Guerra Mundial está praticamente esquecida entre nós, ao ponto de muitos jovens a confundirem com a Segunda ou, quando não é esse o caso, desconhecerem que Portugal participou nela.

Foi essa lacuna que pretendemos colmatar, em parceria com o Museu da Presidência da República, que está a organizar uma exposição sobre o tema.

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Todos os textos são ilustrados com muitas fotos da época, assinadas nomeadamente pelo grande fotógrafo Joshua Benoliel (1873-1932), pioneiro da reportagem fotográfica em Portugal e considerado por muitos o maior fotor-repórter português do século XX, e por Arnaldo Garcez (1885-1964), o único fotógrafo autorizado a acompanhar os soldados portugueses na frente de combate do Norte de França. Alguns destes documentos iconográficos são praticamente inéditos, já que não eram publicados há muitas décadas.

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Fonte:
http://visao.sapo.pt/i-guerra-mundial-portugal-nas-trincheiras=f497266

Mais:
https://www.publico.pt/noticia/o-duro-fado-de-portugal-na-guerra-do-mundo
http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLrWPsj6fVbeVv993EJvO4-0ROhHLGaeGb
http://www.portugal1914.org

Ottomans

Trechos de The Fall Of The Ottomans (2015), de Eugene Rogan.

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Spring brought a new wave of optimism to the Ottoman Empire in 1914. Victory in the Second Balkan War and the recovery of Edirne and Eastern Thrace had done wonders for national confidence. After years of wartime austerity, the Ottoman economy was the first beneficiary of peace. Demobilized soldiers returned to the workforce. Farmers predicted record harvests. A building boom was reported in towns across the Turkish and Arab provinces. Trade resumed with renewed vigour once the sea lanes were cleared of warships and mines. With the expansion of foreign trade came novel inventions of the modern age that, within the year, would be converted from civilian to military use.

The advent of the automobile shattered the tranquillity of Istanbul's streets. Until 1908, cars had been banned from the Ottoman Empire. When they were finally permitted after the Young Turk Revolution, the pioneers of Ottoman motoring encountered many obstacles. By and large, the streets of the empire were unpaved. Garages to service and fuel cars were few and far between. And there was no highway code, with chauffeurs disagreeing over such basic issues as the side of the road on which they should drive. Not surprisingly, very few cars had been sold in the Ottoman Empire since 1908. By the end of 1913, when there were already 1 million cars on the road in the United States, American consular officials estimated there were no more than 500 automobiles in the Ottoman Empire as a whole - with 250 of those in Istanbul. In a remote provincial town like Baghdad, you could literally count the number of cars on one hand. Yet by mid-1914, the imperial capital was beginning to experience its first traffic jams as "limousines, touring cars, motor trucks, gasoline driven delivery wagons and hospital ambulances" jostled for space.

The airplane also made its first appearance in the Ottoman Empire in the Young Turk era. [...]

The first Turkish pilots were sent to Europe for training in 1911. By 1914, Turkish aviators were beginning to claim the skies above the Ottoman Empire. In February, Lieutenant Fethi Bey, accompanied by one of Enver Pasha's aides, Sadik Bey, attempted to fly from Istanbul across Anatolia and Syria to Egypt. Their plane, a Blériot design named the Muavenet-i Milliye (National Assistance) covered one twenty-five-mile leg, from Tarsus to Adana, in twenty minutes, at a speed in excess of sixty miles per hour. Crowds on the ground clapped as the plane flew overhead. They managed to reach Damascus safely, but their plane experienced engine problems on the flight to Jerusalem and crashed to the east of the Sea of Galilee, killing both pilots. Fethi Bey and Sadik Bey were laid to rest next to Saladdin's tomb in the Umayyad Mosque of Damascus, Turkey's first airmen to die in military service. A second air mission ended in a similar result before two pilots, Salim Bey and Kemal Bey, finally managed to complete the journey from Istanbul to Egypt in May 1914.

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The spread of mechanized transport fed the sense of optimism growing in the Ottoman Empire in the spring of 1914. With the negotiation of a $100 million public loan from France in May, the Ottoman government secured the means to invest in major public works projects that would bring electricity, public lighting, urban tramways, intercity railroads, and modern port facilities to all of the provinces of the empire. The announcement of the French loan fed widespread expectations of a commercial and industrial boom.

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The Ottoman government commissioned two state-of-the-art dreadnoughts from the British shipbuilders Vickers and Armstrong in August 1911, scheduled for delivery in July 1914. The orders were placed as part of a British naval mission to help modernize the Ottoman fleet.

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The outbreak of war in Europe provoked alarm across the Ottoman Empire - from the cabinet offices of the Sublime Porte through the towns and countryside of Anatolia and the Arab lands. The need for a defensive alliance to assure the territorial integrity of the empire became critical. The Young Turks knew from Cemal's reports that there was no prospect of such an agreement with France. His trust in Britain was likewise soon to be betrayed.

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Russia, then Britain and France recalled their ambassadors from Istanbul before declaring war on 2 November.

The Ottoman Empire was at war. All that remained was to raise the banner of jihad.

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On 1 August, the Ministry of War dispatched Enver Pasha's call to arms by telegraph across the empire. Village headmen and leaders of town quarters posted notices in public squares and on mosque doors. "Mobilization has been declared," the posters trumpeted. "All eligible men to arms!" All men, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, aged twenty-one to forty-five, were given five days to report to the nearest recruiting office. Local officials were told to encourage martial enthusiasm by "beating drums, showing joy and gladness and not despair and neglect".

No amount of drum beating or official displays of joy could overcome the foreboding among Arab villagers when mobilization was first announced. A Shiite Muslim cleric in the southern Lebanese village of Nabatiyya captured the public dismay in his diary on 3 August 1914:

"The people were deeply troubled and agitated by the news [of general mobilization]. They gathered in small groups in public spaces, astonished and bewildered, as if confronting the Day of Judgement. Some wanted to flee - but where could they go? Others wanted to escape, but there was no way out. Then we heard that war had broken out between Germany and Austria on one side, and the Allies on the other side. This only increased the fear and alarm of the outbreak of a murderous war that would devour the cultivated lands and the dry earth."

Similar reactions were recorded across the Ottoman Empire. Shops closed in Aleppo on 3 August in response to the mobilization orders. As one resident noted, "Great uneasiness prevails throughout this city." In the Black Sea port of Trabzon, the American consul recorded, "The decree of general mobilization came like a thunderbolt." Though anyone evading conscription faced the death penalty, many young men preferred to take their chances and go into hiding rather than face what they believed to be a more certain death fighting with the Ottoman army.

In the imperial capital Istanbul, the call to arms was announced in each quarter by the town crier, popularly known as "Bekçi Baba". In daytime, Bekçi Baba delivered water to urban neighbourhoods. At night, he served as watchman over the streets of the quarter. It was Bekçi Baba who sounded the alarm when fire broke out, and it was Bekçi Baba who summoned men for war.

Irfan Orga remembered how his father was called to war by Bekçi Baba. The mobilization that had started in the summer of 1914 accelerated after the Ottoman entry into the war, with ever-older men being called up. Orga went outside into the November cold with his father to hear the crier's announcement and watched as Bekçi Baba rounded the corner and stopped beneath the street lamp "to shout his shattering news": "Men born between 1880 and 1885 must report to the recruiting centre within the next forty-eight hours. Who fails to do so will be prosecuted."

One of the men of the household shouted out, "What does it mean, Bekçi Baba?"

"War! War! Don't you know your country is at war?" he roared.

The capital's recruitment centres, flooded with men of military age, were in a state of confusion. Harassed officials bellowed instructions to civilians, who were herded like cattle, hungry, hopeless, and apathetic. It could take days for conscripts to be processed for service.

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Mais:
http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLrWPsj6fVbeWKYLfYzoRX-W2LXeh1ES_g

Puccini

Trechos de Puccini: A Biography (2002), de Mary Jane Phillips-Matz.

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By the end of 1914 several European countries were at war. [...] Italy declared its neutrality that same month, and Puccini also claimed to be neutral. Under other circumstances, his stance might have remaimed a private matter; but other artists - Italian, French, and English - were rushing to support patriotic causes. He was first approached in November by Hall Caine, an English writer, who was collecting statements to protest Germany's aggression in Belgium. Many important composers rushed to help, but Puccini did not. Instead, he described his neutrality in a personal letter to Caine, saying he had refused all requests to sign such protests or take part in benefits. Those who knew the music business saw this as his private campaign to prevent boycotts of his works and keep his royalties flowing.

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[...] "All I know," I said, "is that they like your music. It is the same with the soldiers. Sometimes they like their music gay, and then at other times they like music with deep religious feelings."

It was not much of an answer. But Giacomo seized on it.

"You see, it's all there, gentlemen," he exclaimed. "The important thing is that human emotions are not changed by the wars. Life is fundamentally simple, and so is my music. The wars pay attention to frontiers, but people don't." (Del Fiorentino, pp. 167-68)

Never physically threatened by the conflict, Puccini fell into a profound depression during the war, as Del Fiorentino saw. To Adami he wrote,

Loneliness is as wide as the sea; it is as smooth as a lake; it is as black as night; and it is also as green as bile! My present indecision exhausts me, wears me out, irritates, and depresses me... I am turning into an imbecile, like a rock, that stands silent and turns gray as it is weathered by time... The Austrians have my crown, and I no longer have it: I'm like the king in the Tarot cards. What about music? I don't answer. [It's] gone with the wind, like the ashes of suicides that drift away. [Tito] Ricordi's proposals humiliate me. All said, this state of affairs can't continue. I am alone. You can imagine what fun! Nicche has been called back into service and has left. Tonio is in Milan. Let me hear from you. I won't tell you to come because I know you can't. But if you were free, what joy you would give me! (GP to GA, March 11, 1915, in Adami, p. 196)

On October 10, 1915, with Italy already in the war, Puccini made a private statement about Italian art, one he never tried to publish.

"Although I recognize great merit in these French musicians, the direct followers of the Russians, yet I say that our art is, must be, and has been the ruler of the world, and insist that we Italians are [not so cruel] as foreigners. Italian geniality, even if it is less rich in technique, imposes itself on the world. And [should] we seek to depreciate it by accepting, desiring, and encouraging conglomerations and intrigues of notes? No! Clear Italian light must restore our [strength]." (GP to Carlo Vanbianchi, October 10, 1915, in Charles Hamilton catalogue for Auction No. 146, May 20, 1981)

Puccini's neutrality and his failure to help with benefits and fund-raisers would eventually have cost him Toscanini's friendship in any case.

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The opera [La Rondine] was completely finished in October 1915. In trying to arrange the world premiere, he faced several problems, because he was contractually obligated to present it in Austria, where he now could not travel. Because his operas were boycotted in Germany, he might even be denied permission to give it in Vienna at all. For a while, it seemed La Rondine might never reach the stage. Worse, he needed the income at a time when opera companies had shortened their seasons or canceled them altogether.

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[...] the problem started with Puccini's complicated arrangements about the rights. He had been able to meet the Austrian impresarios in Switzerland before all travel had been stopped, and he renegotiated his contract during that meeting. No longer required to give the world premiere in Vienna, where the war prevented its production, he had to cede his rights for Austria, Germany, and the United States, three major markets. [...] In the end, however, this long dispute was resolved.

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News of the premiere and the planned cast of La Rondine appeared in a dispatch from Paris, dated January 1917. It also appeared in the February 10 number of Musical America, which announced that the Polish soprano Rosa Raisa would sing Magda. According to Raisa's biographer, Charles Mintzer, the threat of submarines was so great that she could not cross the Atlantic, and another singer had to be engaged.

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He wrote to Schnabl:

"I am may troubled about going to Milan. I am not used to the new Italy; and Milan is the university of new ways." (GP to RSR, December 25, 1920, in Gara, pp. 499-500)

La Scala could not reopen until December 26, 1921, when Toscanini conducted Falstaff. Bicchi remembered Puccini reading about the opening night in the Corriere della Sera and seizing the occasion to make sarcastic comments about Toscanini. However concerned the composer may have been about Italy, he was even more worried about the European theaters, especially those where his works had been banned during the war. Naturally, some of his most popular operas recovered quickly, but others fought to stay alive.

* * *

Trechos de The Puccini Problem: Opera, Nationalism, And Modernity (2007), de Alexandra Wilson.

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La Rondine (1917) was seen as a lightweight quasi-operetta, condemned as a hybrid work and even an "enemy opera" in a time of conflict. Finally, just as Puccini's status as national composer seemed to be in profound danger, Gianni Schicchi (1918) was hailed as the ray of light Italy needed as it emerged from the First World War.

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The Futurists also had other agendas. Their first intention was to stage a protest against the Austrians, in order to further their campaign for Italian entry into the First World War: the performance of Fanciulla on 15 September 1914 coincided with the Battle of the Marne. Their second aim was to express their hostility towards a composer and an audience that represented everything that they held in contempt. Marinetti's disdain for the past - manifested most vehemently in his instruction to his followers to "set fire to the bookshelves of the libraries! ... Deviate the route of canals to flood the museums!" - also informed his attitude towards Puccini, the most prominent composer keeping alive an art form that, in the eyes of the Futurists, was nauseating and obsolete. The Futurists were enraged by the fact that Puccini and his audience were able to enjoy a glittering social event without apparent thought for the conflict taking place a few hundred miles away to the north. Once again, Puccini had become embroiled in a political debate despite his intentions.

At the end of the first act of Fanciulla the audience at the Dal Verme that night were rising to their feet to applaud the singers and the maestro when, suddenly, an uproar was heard from the balcony. Amid loud cries of "Down with Austria!", "Down with Puccini!", "Long live Marinetti!", one man unfurled an Italian flag, whilst another set fire to an Austrian standard. Confusion ensued as the protestors were apprehended and ushered from the theatre; the orchestra struck up the Marcia Reale, and the rest of the evening's performance passed uneventfully. The incident was reported in the Milanese press, but Puccini's later biographers do not mention it; evidently they felt it to be insignificant or were eager to cover it up. The event may have been glossed over as an embarrassment, but reading Marinetti's own account of the night reveals the strength of the avant garde's contempt for Puccini, for his audience and for opera as an institution. Marinetti painted a heroic picture of the demonstration, using a machine-gun-like style of prose to convey the excitement and dynamism of the occasion.

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By the spring of 1915 Italy had herself "accepted the sorry necessity of war" and joined the Allied campaign. Meanwhile, the image of Puccini as a cowardly neutralist promoted by Marinetti had not disappeared. Out of a commercially minded desire to avoid alienating German and Austrian audiences, Puccini had refused to sign artists' petitions protesting against German aggression towards Belgium in late 1914 and the bombardment of Reims at the beginning of 1915. The Parisian press, and principally the extreme right-wing Leon Daudet of the Action Française, accused Puccini of disloyalty to the allied cause. Daudet was to attack Puccini again two years later when he produced an "enemy opera", La Rondine, originally commissioned as an operetta by the Karltheater in Vienna but moved to neutral Monaco on account of the hostilities. Puccini's new opera once again called into question his status as a national or international composer, not only because, like Fanciulla, it was first performed abroad, but also because of the generic questions that it raised.

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After a war that had left Italy battered and bruised, Gianni Schicchi seemed a reaffirmation of a healthy, positive Italianness, a work "destined joyously to gladden the restless spirits of the twentieth century". Not only had Puccini produced his sunniest opera to date, composed in a "single burst of inspiration" in the manner advocated by Verdi (unlike the "episodic" Il Tabarro and Suor Angelica), but it was the first he had set in Italy since Tosca. Furthermore, it was based on a work by Dante, that most iconic of Italian cultural heroes. Gianni Schicchi was thus widely hailed as a national masterpiece, even drawing praise from the ultra-nationalistic Idea Nazionale, which applauded the composer for his return to an Italian subject "after so many useless Japanese, American, Parisian digressions". The critic for this newspaper welcomed Schicchi as a truly Italian opera, which had emerged from the grey operatic scene of the past few years, and which represented "our people, our refinement, our accents, clear Italian vivacity": finally, the critic wrote, the Italian people could breathe once more.

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[...] members of the generation born around 1880, had advocated Italy's entry into the First World War, which they hoped would provide the "struggle" and "purpose" that they had so long craved, and act as a stimulus for national reinvigoration. In the event, however, the "great collective war" had not been the glorious Italian victory for which they had hoped: Italy had suffered great losses on the Alpine Front.

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Mais:
http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLrWPsj6fVbeVXgJF6RF9-JmjfkUJDjuSA

Rothschild

1914: The start of World War I. In this war, the German Rothschilds loan money to the Germans, the British Rothschilds loan money to the British, and the French Rothschilds loan money to the French. Futhermore, the Rothschilds have control of the three European news agencies, Wolff (est. 1849) in Germany, Reuters (est. 1851) in England, and Havas (est. 1835) in France. The Rothschilds use Wolff to manipulate the German people into a fervour for war. From around this time, the Rothschilds are rarely reported in the media, because they own the media.

1916: On June 4, Ashkenazi Jew Louis Dembitz Brandeis is appointed to the Supreme Court of the United States by President Wilson as per his agreed blackmail payment to Samuel Untermyer some three years earlier. Justice Brandeis is also the elected leader of the Executive Committee for Zionist Affairs, a position he has held since 1914. The middle of World War I Germany was winning the war as they were being financed by the Rothschilds to a greater extent than France, Italy and England, because Rothschilds, did not want to support the Tsar in Russia, and of course Russia was on the same side as France, Italy and England. Then a significant event occurred. Germany, although they were winning the war and not one foreign soldier had set foot on their soil, offered armistice to Britain with no requirement of reparations. The Rothschilds were anxious to make sure this didn't happen as they were expecting to make far more money off this war, so they played another card they had up their sleeve.

Whilst the British were considering Germany's offer, Rothschild agent Louis Brandeis sends a Zionist delegation from America to Britain to promise to bring America into the war on the side of the British, provided the British agree to give the land of Palestine to the Rothschilds. The Rothschilds wanted Palestine for the following reason: They had great business interests in the far east and desired their own state in that area along with their own military which they could use as an aggressor to any state that threatened those interests. The British subsequently agree to the deal for Palestine and the Zionists in London contact their counterparts in America and inform them of this fact. Suddenly all the major newspapers in America that up to that point had been pro-German turned on Germany running propaganda pieces such as: German soldiers were killing Red Cross nurses; German soldiers were cutting off babies hands, etc, in order to manipulate the American public against the Germans.

This same year, President Woodrow Wilson ran a re-election campaign under the slogan "Re-Elect The Man Who Will Keep Your Sons Out Of The War." On December 12, Germany and her allies offer peace terms to end the war.

1917: As a result of Germany's offer of peace the Rothschild war machine goes into overdrive in America, spreading propaganda which leads to President Wilson under the instructions of American Zionist leader and Supreme Court Justice, Louis Dembitz Brandeis, reneging on his promise to the electorate and taking America into the First World War on April 6. As per the Rothschild Zionist promise to the British, to take America into the war, they decide they want something in writing from the British to prove that they will uphold their side of the bargain. The British Foreign Secretary, Arthur James Balfour therefore drafts a letter which is commonly known as the "Balfour Declaration".

- - -
The Rothschilds order the execution, by the Bolsheviks they control, of Tsar Nicholas II and his entire family in Russia, even though the Tsar had already abdicated on March 2. This is both to get control of the country and an act of revenge for Tsar Alexander I blocking their world government plan in 1815 at the Congress of Vienna, and Tsar Alexander II siding with President Abraham Lincoln in 1864. It is extremely important for them to slaughter the entire family including women and children in order to make good on the promise to do so made by Nathan Mayer Rothschild in 1815. It is designed to show the world what happens if you ever attempt to cross the Rothschilds.

U.S. Congressman Oscar Callaway informs Congress that J.P. Morgan is a Rothschild front and has taken control of the American media industry. He states, "In March, 1915, the J.P. Morgan interests, the steel, shipbuilding, and powder interest, and their subsidiary organizations, got together 12 men high up in the newspaper world and employed them to select the most influential newspapers in the United States and sufficient number of them to control generally the policy of the daily press ... They found it was only necessary to purchase the control of 25 of the greatest papers ... An agreement was reached. The policy of the papers was bought, to be paid for by the month, an editor was furnished for each paper to properly supervise and edit information regarding the questions of preparedness, militarism, financial policies, and other things of national and international nature considered vital to the interests of the purchasers."

1919: In January, Ashkenazi Jews Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg are killed as they attempt to lead another Rothschild funded Communist coup, this time in Berlin, Germany. The Versailles peace conference is held to decide reparations that the Germans need to pay to the victors following the end of the First World War. A delegation of 117 Zionists headed up by Ashkenazi Jew Bernard Baruch bring up the subject of the promise of Palestine for them. At this point the Germans realised why America had turned on them and under whose influence, the Rothschilds.

The Germans, naturally, felt they had been betrayed by the Zionists. This is because, at the time the Rothschilds made their deal with Britain for Palestine, in exchange for bringing America into the war, Germany was the most friendly country in the world towards the Jews, indeed the German Emancipation Edict of 1822 guaranteed Jews in Germany all civil rights enjoyed by Germans. Also, Germany was the only country in Europe which did not place restrictions on Jews, even giving them refuge when they had to flee from Russia after their first attempted Communist coup failed there in 1905.

Nevertheless, the Rothschilds had held up their side of the bargain to spill the blood of millions of innocents and as a result, Palestine is confirmed as a Jewish homeland, and whilst its handover to the Rothschilds takes place it is to remain under the control of Britain as the Rothschilds control Britain. At that time less than one percent of the population of Palestine was Jewish. Interestingly, the host of the Versailles peace conference is its boss, Baron Edmond de Rothschild. The Versailles peace conference is also used as an attempt by the Rothschilds to set up a world government under the pretext of ending all wars (which they create). This was called the "League of Nations." Fortunately not enough countries accepted it and so it soon died.

On March 29th The Times of London reports on the Bolsheviks in Russia, "One of the curious features of the Bolshevist movement is the high percentage of non-Russian elements among its leaders. Of the twenty or thirty commissaries, or leaders, who provide the central machinery of the Bolshevist movement, not less than 75% were Jews." It is reported that the Rothschilds were angry with the Russians because they were not prepared to allow them to form a central bank within their nation. They therefore gathered groups of Jewish spies and sent them into Russia to drum up a revolution for the benefit of the common man, which was actually a takeover of Russia by a Rothschild-controlled elite. These Jewish spies were, in age-old deceptive Ashkenazi tradition, given Russian names, for example Trotsky was a member of the first group and his original name was [Lev] Bronstein. These groups were sent to areas throughout Russia to incite riots and rebellion.

---

Fonte:
http://thedaysofnoah.wordpress.com/2011/01/03/the-rothschild-the-secret-creators-of-world-war-1

Mais:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sykes-Picot_Agreement

Consequências ignoradas

As consequências ignoradas da Primeira Guerra Mundial

(Hans-Hermann Hoppe)

A Primeira Guerra Mundial representou um dos maiores divisores de água da história moderna. Ao seu final, a transformação de todo o mundo ocidental, que havia sido iniciada ainda na Revolução Francesa, foi completada: governos monárquicos e reis soberanos deixaram de existir e deram lugar a governos republicano-democráticos.

Até 1914, existiam apenas três repúblicas na Europa: França, Suíça e, desde 1911, Portugal. E, dentre todas as principais monarquias europeias, apenas a do Reino Unido podia ser classificada como um sistema parlamentar, isto é, um sistema em que o poder supremo estava investido em um parlamento eleito. No entanto, quatro anos depois, após os Estados Unidos terem entrado na guerra europeia e decisivamente determinado o seu resultado, as monarquias praticamente desapareceram, e a Europa, junto com o resto do mundo, adentrou a era do republicanismo democrático.

Na Europa, os Romanovs, Hohenzollerns e Habsburgos, militarmente derrotados, tiveram de abdicar ou renunciar, e a Rússia, a Alemanha e a Áustria tornaram-se repúblicas democráticas com sufrágio universal (masculino e feminino) e com governos parlamentares. Igualmente, todos os recém-criados estados - sendo a Iugoslávia a única exceção - adotaram constituições republicano-democráticas. Na Turquia e na Grécia, as monarquias foram destituídas. E até mesmo naquelas nações onde as monarquias ainda existiam ao menos nominalmente, como na Grã-Bretanha, na Itália, na Espanha, na Bélgica, na Holanda e nos países escandinavos, os monarcas não mais exerciam qualquer poder governamental. O sufrágio adulto universal foi introduzido, e todo o poder estatal foi investido em parlamentos e funcionários "públicos".

Essa mudança histórica mundial - do ancien régime de reis e príncipes à nova era republicano-democrática de governantes popularmente eleitos ou escolhidos - também pode ser caracterizada como a mudança que representou a abolição da Áustria e "do jeito austríaco" e a afirmação dos Estados Unidos e do "jeito americano". E assim é por várias razões.

Em primeiro lugar, a Áustria iniciou a guerra, e os EUA puseram-lhe um fim. A Áustria perdeu, e os EUA venceram. A Áustria era governada por um monarca - o imperador Francisco José -, e os EUA, por um presidente democraticamente eleito - o professor Woodrow Wilson. No entanto, ainda mais importante é a constatação de que a Primeira Guerra Mundial não foi uma guerra tradicional, em que se combatia por objetivos territorialmente limitados, mas sim uma guerra ideológica; e a Áustria e os EUA, respectivamente, eram os dois países que mais claramente personificavam as ideias em conflito - e era assim que as demais partes beligerantes os viam.

A Primeira Guerra Mundial começou como uma tradicional disputa territorial. No entanto, com o prematuro envolvimento e a derradeira entrada oficial dos Estados Unidos em abril de 1917, a guerra tomou uma nova dimensão ideológica. Os EUA foram fundados como uma república, e o princípio democrático, inerente à ideia de uma república, apenas recentemente tornara-se vitorioso - tal vitória decorreu da violenta derrota e da violenta devastação da Confederação secessionista pelo governo da União centralista. Na época da Primeira Guerra Mundial, essa triunfante ideologia de um republicanismo democrático expansionista encontrou a sua perfeita personificação no então presidente dos EUA, Woodrow Wilson.

Sob a administração de Wilson, a guerra europeia tornou-se uma missão ideológica: fazer com que o mundo se transformasse em um lugar seguro para a democracia e livre de governantes dinásticos. Quando, em março de 1917, o czar Nicolau II, um aliado americano, foi forçado a abdicar, sendo estabelecido um novo governo republicano-democrático na Rússia sob Kerensky, Wilson exultou. Com o czar abatido, a guerra finalmente havia se transformado em um conflito puramente ideológico: o bem contra o mal.

Wilson e os seus mais próximos conselheiros de política externa, o coronel House e George D. Herron, não simpatizavam com a Alemanha do kaiser, com a aristocracia e com a elite militar. Mas eles odiavam a Áustria. Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn assim caracterizou as visões de Wilson e da esquerda americana:

A Áustria era mais demonizada do que a Alemanha. Ela estava em total contradição com o princípio mazziniano de estado nacional, tendo herdado muitas tradições e muitos símbolos do Sacro Império Romano (a águia de duas cabeças, as cores preta e dourada, entre outros). A sua dinastia uma vez governara a Espanha (outra bête noire). Ela liderou a Contra-Reforma, encabeçou a Santa Aliança, combateu o Risorgimento, suprimiu a rebelião húngara de Kossuth (em cuja homenagem havia um monumento na cidade de Nova York) e apoiou moral e filosoficamente o experimento monarquista no México. Habsburgo - este era exatamente o nome que evocava memórias do Catolicismo Romano, da Armada, da Inquisição, de Metternich, de Lafayette encarcerado em Olmütz e de Silvio Pellico confinado na fortaleza de Spielberg, em Brünn. Tal estado tinha de ser destruído; tal dinastia tinha de desaparecer.

Sendo um conflito cada vez mais ideologicamente motivado, a guerra rapidamente se degenerou em uma guerra total. Em todas as nações da Europa, a economia nacional inteira foi militarizada (socialismo de guerra), e a consagrada e honrada distinção entre combatentes e não-combatentes, e entre vida civil e vida militar, foi abandonada. Por essa razão, a Primeira Guerra Mundial resultou em muito mais baixas de civis - vítimas de inanição e de doença - do que de soldados mortos em campos de batalha.

Ademais, devido ao caráter ideológico da guerra, ao seu término somente eram possíveis a total rendição, a humilhação e a punição do derrotado, e não acordos de paz. Como consequência, a Alemanha teve de desistir da sua monarquia, e a Alsácia-Lorena foi devolvida à França tal como antes da Guerra Franco-Prussiana de 1870-71. A nova república alemã foi onerada com pesadas reparações de longo prazo. A Alemanha foi desmilitarizada, o Sarre alemão foi ocupado pelos franceses, e, no leste, grandes territórios tiveram de ser cedidos à Polônia (Prússia Ocidental e Silésia).

A Alemanha, entretanto, não foi desmembrada e nem destruída. Wilson reservara esse destino para a Áustria. Com a deposição dos Habsburgos, todo o Império Austro-Húngaro foi despedaçado. Para coroar a política externa de Wilson, dois novos e artificiais estados, Tchecoslováquia e Iugoslávia, foram extraídos do antigo Império. A Áustria, por séculos uma das grandes potências europeias, foi maciçamente reduzida em tamanho, limitando-se agora ao seu pequeno território central de língua alemã; e, como outro dos legados de Wilson, a agora pequena Áustria foi obrigada a entregar sua província inteiramente alemã do Tirol do Sul (Alto Ádige ou Bolzano) - estendendo-se até o Passo do Brennero - à Itália.

Desde 1918, a Áustria desapareceu do mapa do poder político internacional. Em seu lugar, os Estados Unidos emergiram como a potência líder do mundo. A era americana - a pax Americana - começara. O princípio do republicanismo democrático havia triunfado. E ele triunfaria de novo ao final da Segunda Guerra Mundial. E uma vez mais - ou ao menos assim pareceu - com o colapso do Império Soviético nos últimos anos da década de 1980 e no início da década de 1990. Para alguns observadores contemporâneos, o "Fim da História" havia chegado. A ideia americana de democracia universal e global finalmente estava totalmente implementada.

Assim, a Áustria dos Habsburgos e a prototípica experiência pré-democrática austríaca se tornaram uma mera curiosidade histórica. Para ser exato, não é que a Áustria não mais tenha alcançado qualquer reconhecimento. Até mesmo os intelectuais e artistas pró-democracia, de qualquer campo das atividades intelectuais e artísticas, não podiam ignorar o enorme nível de produtividade da cultura austro-húngara e, em particular, da cultura vienense. Com efeito, a lista de grandes nomes associados à Viena do fim do século XIX e do início do século XX parece infinita.

- - -
No entanto, e curiosamente, essa elevada produtividade intelectual e cultural raramente foi correlacionada pelos estudiosos como decorrente da tradição pré-democrática da monarquia dos Habsburgos. A incrível efervescência cultural e intelectual da Viena do final do século XIX e início do século XX raramente é correlacionada com o ambiente criado pela monarquia dos Habsburgos. Em vez disso, nos raros casos em que não é considerada uma mera coincidência, a produtividade da cultura austro-vienense é apresentada, de forma "politicamente correta", como sendo prova dos positivos efeitos sinergéticos do multiculturalismo e de uma sociedade multiétnica.

Por outro lado, já desde o final do século XX, acumulam-se crescentes evidências de que, em vez de assinalar o fim da história, o sistema político-democrático imposto ao mundo pelos EUA está mergulhado em uma crise profunda. Desde o fim da década de 1960 e começo da década de 1970, a renda salarial real nos Estados Unidos e na Europa Ocidental estagnou-se e, em alguns casos, até mesmo caiu. No Oeste Europeu em particular, as taxas de desemprego só fizeram aumentar. Os gastos governamentais e a dívida pública dispararam em todos os países, alcançando patamares astronômicos, em muitos casos excedendo o próprio Produto Interno Bruto (PIB) de um país. Similarmente, os sistemas de Previdência Social (ou seguridade social) em todos os lugares estão à beira da falência.

Ademais, o colapso do Império Soviético não representou exatamente um triunfo da democracia; apenas comprovou a impossibilidade prática do socialismo. Mais ainda: tal colapso trouxe embutido em si um alerta contra o sistema ocidental de socialismo democrático (em vez de socialismo ditatorial). No que mais, em todo o hemisfério ocidental, divisões, separatismos e secessões nacionais, étnicas e culturais estão crescendo. As criações democráticas e multiculturais de Wilson - a Iugoslávia e a Tchecoslováquia - se fragmentaram. Em todo o Ocidente, em menos de um século de democracia perfeitamente completa, os resultados são estes: degeneração moral, desintegração social e familiar e decadência cultural na forma de taxas crescentes de divórcio, de filhos bastardos, de aborto e de criminalidade. Em consequência de uma quantidade - ainda em expansão - de leis e políticas antidiscriminatórias, multiculturais e igualitaristas, todos os poros da sociedade ocidental foram afetados pela interferência governamental e pela integração forçada. Consequentemente, as tensões e hostilidades raciais, étnicas e culturais - bem como as inquietações sociais - têm crescido dramaticamente.

- - -
Fica a pergunta: o que teria acontecido se, de acordo com suas próprias promessas feitas durante sua campanha de reeleição, Woodrow Wilson tivesse mantido os Estados Unidos fora da Primeira Guerra Mundial?

- - -
George F. Kennan, embaixador americano na URSS e a própria encarnação do establishment, escrevendo em 1951:

Contudo, hoje, se fosse oferecida a oportunidade de ter de volta a Alemanha de 1913 - uma Alemanha governada por pessoas conservadoras, mas relativamente moderadas, sem nazistas e sem comunistas, uma Alemanha vigorosa, unida e não-ocupada, cheia de energia e confiança, capaz de fazer parte de uma frente que contrabalançaria o poder russo na Europa... Bem, haveria objeções a isso de muitos lugares, e isso não faria todo mundo feliz; porém, de várias maneiras, e em comparação com os nossos problemas de hoje, isso não seria tão ruim. Agora, pense no que isso significa. Quando verificamos o saldo total das duas guerras, nos termos dos seus objetivos declarados, há uma enorme a dificuldade em perceber e discernir algum ganho.

---

Fonte:
http://www.mises.org.br/Article.aspx?id=1893

Mais:
http://www.mises.org.br/Article.aspx?id=1913

Fernand Léger

"Vint la guerre.

La guerre fut grise et camouflée: une lumière, une couleur, un ton étaient interdits sous peine de mort. Une vie de silence, une vie nocturne à tâtons, tout ce que l'oeil pouvait enregistrer et percevoir devait se cacher et disparaître.

Personne n'a vu la guerre, caché, dissimulé, à quatre pattes, couleur de terre l'oeil inutile ne voyait rien. Tout le monde a entendu la guerre. Ce fut une énorme symphonie qu'aucun musicien ou compositeur n'a encore égalé quatre années sans couleur." (Fernand Léger, Fonctions de la Peinture, 1937)

L'ANNÉE 1914

En 1914, Léger à 33 ans, il est bon pour le service. Le 12 août, avec le premier régiment de génie 4/26, il monte au front en qualité de sapeur. Il porte peut être le grand tablier de peau caractéristique de ce corps d'armée, il doit marcher en tête des régiments d'infanterie, à la main une hache.

L'artiste qui laisse la vie civile pour la vie militaire est très sérieusement engagé dans l'aventure de l'art moderne. Cet homme va écrire à sa mère, ses amis, des lettres qui racontent le quotidien du soldat. Il n'oublie pas la peinture, et c'est certainement ce qui le rattache à quelque espoir de sortir de l'enfer de la guerre. Alors il dessine, à la manière cubiste.

CORRESPONDANCE

Ses lettres sont les témoignage réalistes, sans détour, écrites à chaud, juste après l'orage du combat.

Ce n'est pas un jeune conscrit à qui nous avons affaire, c'est un homme à "qui on ne l'a fait pas", qui a déjà une expérience sérieuse, furieuse, du difficile métier d'être peintre.

Il est là, en Argonne, dans la Marne, en Champagne, témoin donc survivant d'une action invraisemblable qui n' a pas d'exemples antérieures: la Grande Guerre.

Malgré lui, il assiste et contribue avec les autres Poilus à la fin d'un monde et à la naissance d'un autre qui efface par la ruine les ultimes traces d'une civilisation à jamais perdue.

Tout au long de la lecture des lettres, nous ressentons la maturité de Fernand Léger. Celui-ci, malgré sa volonté de rejoindre les camoufleurs et son ami André Mare (ceux qui réalisent des trompes l'oeil, des leurres pour tromper l'ennemi, qui inventent la peinture de camouflage) saura lier des relations avec les gars (épatants) du peuple.

LA PEINTURE

Il voit avec ses yeux de peintre, il écrit avec son style sans manières, un style qui nous jette corporellement dans les creux des tranchées, les pieds dans la boue, le nez reniflant l'odeur du souffre, celle de la chair humaine. Alors, notre esprit patauge, s'englue devant cette prose qui semble n'avoir pas de lendemain. Puis nous entendons le bruit insoutenable des canons, ce mélange de cris et du vent, du tremblement des feuilles tentant désespérément de rester accrochées aux arbres. les bruits de pas, les courses effrénées, nous ressentons le bruit de la trouille. Puis plus rien, pas un son, une plainte, plus loin un rire, des pleurs, Léger écrit, Léger dessine, quelquefois il retrouve des couleurs pour peindre des aquarelles.

Le cubisme s'est mit à l'épreuve de la guerre, du terrain, de la forêt, des copains.

À PROPOS DE FERNAND LÉGER

[...]

L'enjeu est de construire en décryptant les lettres - lesquelles vont et viennent entre la présence de l'horreur et les pensées lointaines - un spectacle qui conjugue plusieurs dimensions auditives, visuelles et plastiques, qui met en scène les pensées de l'artiste, en ménageant ce que Léger voit et ce qu'il transforme par son travail de peintre, et ce qu'il appelle de tous ses voeux: l'idée d'un art total à la française. Pour lui, l'art doit se mélanger à la vie.

Autrement dit: le propos n'est pas de reprendre une mise en scène en pastichant le peintre, mais de le faire devenir acteur, aux prises entre l'insoutenable du quotidien de la guerre et les idées créatrices qui persistent en lui malgré la rudesse du vécu. Fernand Léger devient donc acteur. À la sortie de la guerre, il souhaitera la fin de la peinture de chevalet, il se met à collaborer à des mises en scènes théâtrales. Avec d'autres artistes de l'art moderne, il expérimente ces nouveaux champs qui s'ouvrent devant lui. Il est libre.

FERNAND LÉGER DANS LA GUERRE

1ER AOÛT 1914: Ordre de mobilisation général. Est mobilisé à Versailles, premier régiment du Génie, compagnie 4/26 en qualité de sapeur réserviste. Quitte Paris pour Montpellier.

12 AOÛT 1914: Quitte les arènes de Nîmes pour le front. Bataille de la Marne. Au début d'octobre séjourne au Neufour-en-Argonne (cantonnement) et à la Maison-Forestière avec son régiment, dépendant de la IIIe armée commandée par le général Sarrailh (puis le général Humbert) du 5e corps d'armée commandé par le général Arlabosse (puis le général Caloni), 9e division, 17e brigade (général Féru), 1er régiment du Génie, compagnie 5/4 commandée par le capitaine Blanc.

15 OCTOBRE 1914: Désigné brancardier près du major de la compagnie.

13-14 JUILLET 1915: Blessé légèrement lors de l'offensive allemande (autour de la cote 285) qui décime son unité. Première permission de 6 jours à Paris. Fin août démarches avec Poughon et le musicien Varèse pour entrer dans le camouflage. Emporte des crayons et des couleurs au front. Recommence à dessiner.

FIN JANVIER OU DÉBUT FÉVRIER 1916: Deuxième permission à Paris.

SECONDE QUINZAINE D'AOÛT 1916: Troisième permission à Paris.

10 SEPTEMBRE 1916: Quitte l'Argonne pour le quartier Robert-Espagne près de Bar-le-Duc. Entrevue avec Jeanne Lohy.

2 OCTOBRE 1916: Avec son unité, participe à la grande "noria" de Verdun jusqu'à la mi-décembre. Quatrième permission à Paris?

DÉBUT JANVIER 1917: Au front en Champagne, un secteur tranquille.

JUIN 1917: Cherche des pancartes allemandes autour du lieu-dit les Tuileries pour la collection des Leblanc. Exécute des aquarelles d'après des avions. Cinquième permission.

FIN JUILLET 1917: Arrive en permission dans la région parisienne. Prolongation de cette permission par un séjour à l'hôpital.

OCTOBRE 1917: Hospitalisé à l'hôpital Saint-Joseph, puis à l'Hôpital italien. Séjourne à l'hôpital de Villepinte, centre de réforme. Recommence à peindre.

NOVEMBRE 1917: Peint La Partie de Cartes.

DÉCEMBRE 1917, JUIN 1918: Élaboration du contrat avec le galeriste Léonce Rosenberg. Sixième permission à Argentan à la mi-juin 1918. Réformé temporaire. S'installe à Vernon dans l'Eure.

11 NOVEMBRE 1918: Armistice.

5 FÉVRIER 1919: Exposition Fernand Léger à L'Effort Moderne.

2 DÉCEMBRE 1919: Fernand Léger épouse Jeanne Lohy.

---

Fonte:
http://fondationlaposte.org/IMG/pdf/comete_leger.pdf

Mais:
http://www.wikiart.org/en/fernand-leger
http://france3-regions.francetvinfo.fr/cote-d-azur/2014/11/11/le-soldat-et-artiste-fernand-leger.html
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tOvnQ9Vqptw